Skip to main content

We will keep fighting for all libraries - stand with us!

Full text of "The adventures of Thomas Pellow, of Penryn, mariner, three and twenty years in captivity among the Moors"

See other formats

<riiJONv-soi^'" "^AaaAiNiijiW 


^'<!/0JllV3JO^ ''^OJIIVJJO'^ 






^(^Aavaan-^^"^ ^(5Awiian# 


^\\l LIBRARYQr^ 









^6'Aavaaii-^^'^ ^(?Aavaani^ 







< ' '4 >. >> 








^\\E UNIVERS//, 





'^XiHONYsm^'^ %a3AiNn-3WV^ >&Aavaan# ^^Aavaaiiiv^ 


^d/OJllVOJO"^ '^<!/0JnV3JO-^ 


■^ " " ' ^ C< «c7 Qj 





L^^S i/Or" 

s^/— \ — * 



%JJ I IV3- JO^ %0J 11V3-JC>'^ 



5 i^^ 



% ^ 




\\\F L:MV[RV/; ..vinS-,VS'C[lff^ 

'"'JWiilVJ ja>^ "^•TilJasYSOl^'"" %JJ3,MN,1]\\V 

I 155 


^-,vF c-\i I Fny?,;,_ ^\\\[i'N':vfR.5-//^. ^NinsASCFif,;^ 
Digitized by tne Internet Archi>7fe ' -< 

•''6'AavJian l\^' in 2007 with funding from...', ]\\'^ 




J 7i 

IVIicrosoft Corporation 



WvlllBF;A[JYQ^^ ^^\l-liBRAF.'YQ^^ 


=3 O 

'^'<!/0JnV3'JO'>^ '^<!/0JIW3JO-^ 

%jiiMN,i]UV^ ^^AavaaiHN^' ^<9AavaaiH\^' 


^x. vn^.av^ ^ 

OF CAlIF0/?4.v 


■S- V^/ 

3 JO 




:a^ 0^ 

^,nt i. ''i'- tn.v/. 

^^ Adventures are to the Adventurous.'' 



Illustrated. Cr. 8vo, 5s. 

Adventures of a Younger Son, By E. J. 

Trelawny. WiiA an Introduction by Edward 
Garnett. Second Edition. 

Robert Drury's Journal in Madagascar. 

Edited, with an Introduction and Notes, by 
Captain S. P. Oliver. 

Memoirs of the Extraordinary Military 
Career of John Shipp. With an Introduction 
by II. Manners Chichester. 

The Adventures of Thomas Pellow, of 
Penryn, Mariner. Written by himself, and 
Edited with an Introduction and Notes by Dr. 
Robert Brown. 


The Buccaneers and Marooners of America. 

Being an Account of the Famous Adventures 
and Daring Deeds of certain Notorious Free- 
booters of the Spanish Main. Edited by Howard 









/ i ? ) 


(1) Editor's Introduction 7 

(2) The Adventures of Thomas Fallow : — 

The Author ; youth and schooling — He goes to sea — Is captured 
by the Sallee rovers and wrecked on the bar of the Bouragreb 
River between Sallee and Rabat — Escapes drowning only to 
become a slave — Is sent to Mequinez with the rest of his 
shipmates — They are attacked by the mob — They are taken 
before the Emperor Mnley Ismail — The author becomes the 
slave of Muley Spha, the Emperoi^'s son — He is beaten in 
order to force him to change his religion — He " turns Moor," 
and is made an officer of the Emperor — He has a perilous 
adventure with the latter — His uncle dies — The craelties of 
the Emperor — The terrible punishments inflicted by him — 
The dreadful death of Larbe Shott, whose ghost appeared 
unto Muley Ismail 47 


Mr. Pellow is better housed and higher in favour — He dines more 
frequently off cuscassoo — How this dish is prepared — The 
misery of the slaves — The arrival of Commodore Stewart to 
ransom the English captives — The author, being excluded 
from the provisions of the treaty, is left behind — Cruelties of 
the Emperor — His character and the subservience j)aid him 
— The danger of anticipating a remark — The drilling of 
marksmen — He gets married — How weddings are conducted 
in Morocco — He sets out on a military expedition — Curious 
advice from a Moslem — The march — At Shan-oot — Kill hun- 
dreds of wild boars — He takes command of the castle (or 
Kasbah) of Tannonah — His lazy life during six years — He 
marches to Morocco city — Expedition into the mountains . C6 





The Emperor's troops surprise the castle of Ehiah EmbeUde, and 
take vengeance upon the rebels — The march is continued and 
the revolted towns reduced to submission — Touching divers 
httle places — A new mode of defence — A city is taken by 
storm — Fire and sword — The return to Morocco with hostages 
and booty — The Fast of Eamadan — The punishment of a 
Queen who failed to " nick the time " — Her expiation in the 
way of bridges and golden balls — Mr. Pellow attempts the 
madcap freak of trying to steal the latter — The palace gardens 
and the death of Muley Ar'scid (Reschid)^-The march to 
Mequinez, and a description of the intervening country — The 
amount of plunder brought back from the Expedition — 
Treatment of prisoners — An English executioner — The soldiers 
meet with their wives — Shooting and fishing — Feasts regard- 
less of the law — Wild beasts and their ways . . .89 


Mr, Pellow goes with the troops to Guzlan, and shares in the 
siege of that town — He is wounded — The place surrenders 
and a number of the inhabitants are beheaded — Our author 
is advanced in the Moorish service and returns to Tamnsnah 
— He is now inured to the cruel wars of the Emperor, and 
takes part in most of his attacks on rebelUous tribes and 
towns — He goes across the Atlas to Tafilet, and enters the 
desert — How the Royal children are disposed of — The wild 
Arabs or Bedouins and their ways of life — Bashmagh the 
negro and his extraordinary adventures — He is sold and sold 
again by hig own request, and always returns with a good 
horse and weapons — The return to Tafilet — The march to the 
borders of Algeria — The author often visits his countrymen 
at Sallee, and begins to meditate his escape — The death of 
Muley Ismail 110 


The rise of Muley Ismail — His character a mixture of vice and 
virtue and piety and cruelty — How he made himself master 
of the kingdom — He clears the country of robbers — His 
empire — His mode of government — How the governors of 
provinces are called to account — Degrading ceremonies in- 
cumbent on officials before they enter the Imperial presence 
— His supposed sanctity — His severity against law-breakers 
— His disturbed sleep — The terror his attendants had for 
telhng him whom he had killed — His duel with a woman— 



His Bokhari, or Black Guards — His esteem for them — His 
fickleness — The story of an attempted assassination of him — 
The influence of Maestro Juan over him — His mania for 
buildinp: in an economical fashion — His attention to the 
affairs of State — Civil war on his death — The contrast between 
Muley Hamet Deby and his brothers — Character of Muley 
Hamet — How Mr. Fellow's career was influenced by these 
turmoils 134 


Mr. Fellow makes a determined attempt to escape from Morocco 
— He succeeds in reaching Mazagan, then in the possession 
of the Portuguese — He unfortunately, however, mistakes the 
Moorish outposts for the Christian, and is seized and sent to 
Azamoor — He is thrown into a dungeon and is threatened 
with execution — A friend saves him, and he is able to reach 
his family in Agoory — The revolt of the Black Army — The 
author takes part in the Siege of Fez — He is sent to Sallee 
to bring new carriages for the field-guns — Arrived there, he 
plots another attempt at freedom — Is betrayed by another 
Christian renegado — He saves himself with difficulty, and 
abandoning the plan returns to Fez with the gun carriages — 
Is well received by Muley Hamet — The author is wounded, 
and while thinking of returning to his wife and daughter 
hears of the death of both 154 


More uses for wine than one — Mr. Fellow and his renegade atten- 
dant find Uttle diflBculty in trying how far Malaga is potent 
to cure wounds — He amazes his surgeon — Doctor end patient, 
their adopted faith notwithstanding, have a merry evening 
over the forbidden cup — The surrender of Fez — The hmnili- 
f^ ation and murder of Abdemeleck — A general beheading more 
Mauritiano — Muley Hamid Ed-dehebi is poisoned by Muley 
AbdaUah's mother — This prince seizes the throne — A new 
master but old habits — War again — Fez once more in rebel- 
hon — A terrible siege of seven months — Famine compels the 
Fasees to yield and meet their retribution — Hopes of escape 
again disappointed by a fi-esh rebellion and a long march — 
How malcontents are brought to book 176 


"War is exchanged for commerce — Fellow is sent with the trading 
caravan to the coast of Guinea — The route taken by him — 
Privations from want of water — How to find it — Wonderful 



aeuteness of the senses displayed by a blind Arab — Lions and 
ostriches — How the latter are killed in the desert — Business 
being finished on the coast the caravan returns to Morocco — 
Displeasure of the Emperor Muley Abdallah at the results of 
the journey — He, as usual, slaughters a great many innocent 
men — He kills a plotting Marabout or Saint — An expedition 
to the Eiver Draa country — A cruel sight — The deaths of 
Jerrory and Bendoobash — Treachery of the Emperor — An 
easy Hfe again — Hunting and fishing — To Mequinez — War 
once more 194 


The truce between England and Morocco broken by the Sallee 
men capturing an English ship — A Jewish interpreter burnt 
for daring to advise the Emperor — Mr. Pellow meets with an 
old schoolfellow in misfortune like himself — The flight of 
Muley Abdallah to Tarudant — Another reverse in the fortunes 
of war — Muley Ah deposed and Muley Abdallah again Em- 
peror — The fate of a rebellious chief — How the Fez deputation 
was treated by Abdallah, and how the blind man spared 
utilized his freedom — Our author once more meditates escape 
in the confusion of the civil war— A native fortune-teller pro- 
phecies fair things for the future— He, at last, makes a burst 
for freedom 215 


On the road to freedom — At SaUee the fugitive meets with Muley 
El Mustadi, afterwards Emperor of Morocco— He is suspected 
and arrested, but is permitted to go — Leaves for Mequinez as 
a blind, but actually makes for Tedla — Meets a band of con- 
jurers, and, as the result of being in bad company, is robbed 
by a rival gang — Falls in with two Spanish quack doctors, 
and takes up their trade — He meets an old friend, and prac- 
tises physic with indifferent success — Fish without fish-hooks 
— In perU from wild beasts — Food without lodgings — How a 
Moorish highway robber is chowsed — Arrives in Morocco 
city, and is succoured by a fiiend — Sets out for Santa Cruz — 
Doctoring on the way 233 


On the road to Hberty — Another old Mend — An awkward meeting, 
but a former enemy is luckily not recognized — Robbed of 
everything, Mr. PeUow reaches Tarudant in a woeful phght 
— Re-equipped, he arrives at Santa Cruz, and as a measure 



of precaution takes up his quarters in a cave, where he meets 
with strange company — Dreams, and their interpretation — 
Enters into a new partnership — Takes to duck killing for a 
livelihood — A new partner of the faint-hearted order — Being 
again stripped, he " borrows a point of the law " in order to 
exist — He takes refuge in the Kasbah of Ali Ben-Hamediish 
at the Tensift Eiver — At WiUadia he falls in with an old 
schoolfellow, and, worse luck, meets the mother of Muley 
Abdallah — Plays the courier, escapes from robbers, and passes 
the night in a tree, surrounded by wild beasts . . . 260 


Mr. Pellow keeps north — Gets to the Tensift River and again takes 
shelter in the castle of Ali ben Hammiduh — Back to Safii — 
He finds it necessary to try a Cornish hug with a robber on 
the road — At Willadia, where he meets with Enghsh ships — 
Engages himself as interpreter, when he frustrates a plot of 
a Moorish merchant to get quit of his obUgations — The vessel 
on which he is on board of is plundered by the knavish 
officials — The hard way in which ship captains had to trans- 
act their business in those days — Mr. Pellow has to keep con- 
cealed, as the Moors suspect him — Sails for Sallee — More 
trouble, which detennined the captain to take French leave — 
As a precaution the Jews and Moors are put under hatches . 289 


Compelled to anchor off Mamora, fresh troubles make their ap- 
pearance — Apprehension of an attack from the Moors — Arms 
are served out ; but a fair wind springing up, Mamora is left 
behind — Distress of an involuntary lady passenger — In pass- 
ing Cape Spartel, those who had never sailed through the 
Straits before, pay their footing to those who have — A Jew 
objects, and what came of his objection — Gibraltar is reached, 
and the slave, after twenty-three years of captivity, is again 
a free man among his own countrymen — He is cross-qnes- 
tioned by the officials, and claimed as a Moorish subject by 
the Emperor's agent — Governor Sabine speaks a bit of his 
mind — He is well treated, and arrives in the Thames — A 
painful meeting with WiUiam Johnson's sister, and a happy 
arrival in his native town — The end 313 

NOTES 333 

INDEX 373 


(1) MuLEY Abd- Allah, Emperor of Morocco 1729-1757 

(from Troughton's Narrative of the "Wreck of the 
Jws^ec^or Privateer in 1745) ... ... Frontispiece 

(2) British Captives driven from Tangier to Muley 

Abd-Allah's Camp at Buscoran (Bu-Sacran) in 
the interior of Morocco. 1. Hadj Abd-Akrim, Kald, 
or Governor of Tangier. 2. The British Captives. 
3. The City of Mequinez. 4. The Pilot or Guide. 
5. Guards who drove the Captives. 6. Tents of the 
Arabs who supply the town with butter, &c. 7. Sidi 
Hamria, a saint's tomb (from Troughton). To face p. 52 

(3) Marakesch, or Morocco City, a, The Kutubia 

Quarter, in which is situated the Mosque of Sidi 
Abou Labbas ; b, the Atlas Mountains ; c, the 
Garden of Muley Idris ; d, a Powder Magazine ; 
e, the Mosque of Ali ben Yusef ; /, the Mosque of 
Abd el Mmnen, w^hich, according to some accounts, 
is the one which possessed the Golden Balls (p. 
341); g, h, the Palace Quarter (from Hosts' "Nach- 
richten von Marokos und Fes," 1760-1768). To face p. 97 
(3) An Audience of Sidi Mohammed, Emperor of 
Morocco, about the year 1760. a, The Emperor ; 
b, five Councillors ; c, the Envoy's introducer and 
attendant ; d, the Jewish interpreter ; e, a Euro- 
pean Envoy with his suite ; /, a Courtier ; g, Jews 
bearing gifts, all barefooted (from Host). To face p. 135 


(4) AzAMOOB IN 1760. a, A saint's tomb; b, feiry over 

the river and the road to Saffi ; c, the Jewish 
Quarter or Mellah ; d, the river Om-er-E'bia ; e, the 
road to Sallee (from Host) ... ... To face p. 156 

(5) Mequinez in 1760. a, b, The Palace ; c, the old 

Spanish Convent, now abandoned (from Host). 

To face p. 185 

(6) Christian Slaves at Work in the Castle of 

BuscoEAN (Bu-Sacean) not fae feom Mequinez 
(1745). 1. The task-masters. 2. The Enghsh slaves 
at hard labour. 3. The manner in which the slaves 
raised pieces of tabia, weighing ten or twelve tons, 
" by the purchase of a plank, and then jogging on 
it, which is fixed at the bottom of the said pieces 
of tabby wall." 4. The ruins of the remainder of 
the Castle which the English slaves pulled down. 
5. The gate at the entrance of the Castle. 6. The 
Castle walls (from Troughton) ... ... To face p. 211 

(7) Sallee and Eabat in 1760. In this view Eabat is on 

the right (c) and Sallee on the left side of the 
picture (a), the river Bou-ragrag dividing them. 
In Eabat, at b, there were five cannon, but with- 
out carriages or other appurtenances, and lying on 
the rocks, though sometimes used ; at c is the town 
of Eabat proper, though it lies so low that it is not 
seen over the walls, and cannot therefore be repre- 
sented in the engraving. The tower, Sma- (or 
Barge-el) Hassan, is shown at d ; at g' is the sea- 
gate of the town and also the cemetry, the cupolas 
shown in the view being " kubbas," or tombs of 
saintly personages, of whom there are a great many 
in these parts ; /, a small battery, where a landing 
is more frequently effected than by passing over the 
river bar. On the Sallee side (a) the entrance to 
the river is at e, where there was a battery of some 
thirty cannon (from Host) ... ... To face p. 262 

(8) Santa Ceuz, oe Agadie (from Host) ... To face p. 304 

(9) A PiEATE Zebek of Sallee, 1760 (from Host). 

To face p. 335 


HE voyager who sails for North Africa 
by way of the Spanish Peninsula, is not 
long before he becomes conscious of the 
enduring personality of the Moors. At 
Lisbon even, should he be a philologist, 
he will find the dialect of the Portuguese 
boatmen plentifully tinctured with words, phrases, and 
idioms which may at once be recognized as Arabic. These 
foreign admixtures grow more numerous as the region 
once held by the Moorish sovereigns is reached, until in 
Andalusia there are towns like Tarifa which look more 
Oriental than European. But it is at Gibraltar and the 
Strait which separates Spain from Morocco, Christendom 
from Islam, that the nearness of the true home of the 
Moors is apparent. Here, is Djebel-Tarik, " the Mountain 
of Tarik," the spot on which that invader of the country 
which is still lovingly spoken of as "Andaloss" first set 
foot. The old Moorish castle forms a prominent object 
amid the buildings which cover the side of the rock, and 
the streets are lighted up by the gay costumes of the 


stately subjects of Muley-El-Hassan from the African 
side of the narrow gut, which the Scandinavians knew as 
Norfa's Sound. East and west of Gibraltar the shore is 
dotted at intervals by tumbling towers, where, within the 
memory of man, wake-fires blazed for the purpose of 
warning the country when a Moorish raid was expected ; 
and half the legends which the peasants tell are filled 
with gruesome memories of the days when the sea between 
the Pillars of Hercules was scoured by desperate pirates, 
intent on pillaging the commerce of Christendom and carry- 
ing into slavery the hapless crews of the captured vessels. 

The two sides of this division between Europe and Africa 
do not differ widely. If the season when they are sighted 
is spring, they are equally green with the early herbage, 
variegated with a hundred flowers, and fragrant with the 
blossoms of orange, and oleander, and prickly pear. 
But autumn finds them both alike brown, and bare, and 
dry. Yet it is scarcely possible to point to any other 
twelve miles of water which divides two lands more the 
antipodes of each other, so far as manners and faith and 
future are concerned. For they intervene between the 
Cross and the Crescent, between Europe with its pro- 
gressive culture and Africa with its unadvancing barbarism. 
In an hour we are back into the middle ages — we seem 
to have steamed a thousand miles. And all this holds 
true of " brown Barbary " until the exotic civilization of 
Algeria is reached in one direction, and the still less native 
polish of Senegambia in an opposite course. Along the 
Mediterranean shore of Morocco there are a few posts to 
which Spain clings tenaciously ; but along the Atlantic 
sea-board Muley-El-Hassan is not offended by the flouting 
of an infidel flag, until he come to Ifini, on the border of 
the Empire, where Spain is supposed to have a fishing- 
station — unless indeed the English trading-post at Cape 


Juby is within his bounds. For when there are indemnities 
to be paid for outrages, the Sultan denies his responsibility 
for the tribesmen thereabouts ; but he is apt to play the 
King when there are duties in the wind. 

As we sail southward along the tawny African Tiie sauee 
shore, we pass many a decaying town, the Rovers, 
white houses of which look like huge cubes of chalk heaped 
along the strand. Here for instance are Azila, and 
Larache, and Mamora, with little to tempt a merchant to 
tarry ; and by and by a picturesque collection of white 
buildings on either side of a river, over the bar of which 
the breakers moan in wearisome monotony, attracts the 
eye. A sea-wall with some not very dangerous looking 
guns, the minarets of a few mosques, and the great tower 
of Sma-Hassan behind, form a scene seemingly more sug- 
gestive to the artist than to the historian. Yet this is the 
twin town of Kabat-Sallee, which has a long chronicle of 
blood and slaughter, and has perhaps been the scene of as 
much misery as any spot between Agadir and Algiers. 
For Sallee was, during several ages, the capital of those 
Moslem pirates who divided with the Tunisians, Tripo- 
litines, and Algerines, the evil eminence of doing more 
damage to commerce than any other set of sea-robbers at 
large. Over that bar has passed in tears and sadness, 
hopeless as the entrants into Dante's Inferno, thousands 
of Christian * captives, from the period when first this port 
conceived the idea of growing wealthy by other means 

* In the Barbary States religion is the great division between one 
people and another. All who are not Moslems are " Christians " if they 
are not Jews, albeit their Christianity is often of the slenderest cha- 
racter. Indeed, as an Arab once told me, the Jews would soon have 
everything were it not that they keep their Sunday. But the " Chris- 
tians " in Morocco regarding aU days aUke, get just twenty-four hours 
ahead of the pan-absorbing Israelites. Hence we hear in Barbary of 
Christian clothes, of Christian swindlers, and even of Christian oaths. 


than decent toil, until the wrath of Europe and the 
shoaling up of their harbour no longer permitted of piracy 
being profitable. Yet while it lasted, the " Bailee Eovers " 
bulked more largely in history and romance, and were the 
cause of more diplomatic missions, correspondence and 
expense, than it seems possible to believe so despicable a 
band of rufiians could ever become to maritime powers 
owning guns enough to pound this den of thieves into its 
native dust. 
Origin of -^^^ stereotyped tale told of the origin of Bar- 
Morocco bary piracy is that the Moors, driven out of 
Piracy, gpain, took revenge upon the Christians by 
preying on their shipping. I have long seen good reasons 
for doubting the universal accuracy of this statement. The 
Moriscoes of Spain were for the most part an inland people 
with little sea-borne commerce, and few ships of any 
sort, while their Christian compatriots were in possession of 
a large and powerful fleet. It is therefore difficult to 
understand how a race unaccustomed to maritime war- 
fare became so speedily, merely by the stimulus of hatred, 
the most skilful corsairs of the years succeeding their 
arrival on the opposite shores of Africa. Those who fled to 
what is now Algeria and Tunis might, no doubt, have 
taken more aptly to their new trade. For the Turks were 
there already, and besides having at their disposal a 
plentiful supply of Greek and Italian apostates, all expert 
in seafaring wickedness, these Moslems had long been 
accustomed to traverse the Mediterranean either as 
"common carriers," or for the more congenial purpose of 
obeying the mandate of the prophet touching the spoiling 
of the Infidel. 

But no such ready teachers were to be found in Morocco. 
The truth seems to be that the Bailee men, and their 
brother pirates in the few other parts of Morocco not in 


the hands of Spain and Portugal, were taught their trade 
by European outlaws, the majority of whom were sea- 
robbers chased from the English coasts, and that they in 
their turn imparted their knowledge to the latest refugees 
from Spain. This is clearly shown by a statement of the 
famous Captain John Smith, of Virginia, who it may be 
remembered **took a turn," as Dugald Dalgetty would 
have said, in the Sultan of Morocco's service. This 
passage,* though of great historical value, seems to have 
been strangely neglected even by those writers who profess 
to obtain their information at first hand. For here we 
learn that the most ** ancient pyrats " on the English coast 
within the threescore years over which Smith's recollection 
extended, were " one Cellis, who refreshed himself upon the 
coast of Wales ; Clinton and Pursser, being companions 
who grew famous till Queene Elizabeth of blessed memory 
hanged them at Wapping ; Flemming was as expert and as 
much sought for as they, yet such a friend to his country, 
that discovering the Spanish Armada, he voluntarily 
came to Plimouth, yeelded himselfe freely to my Lord 
Admirall, and gave him notice of the Spaniards comming ; 
which good warning came so happily and unexpectedly 
that he had his pardon and good reward." t 

The vigilance of the armed merchantmen was, however, 
so great, that until the peaceful reign of James I. let loose 
a host of privateers or " men of warre " who had been 
amply employed in the stormy times of Elizabeth, there 
were very few rovers at large. They were all good patriots 
enriching themselves by robbing the Queen's Enemies 

* " The Trve Travels, Adventvres and Observations of Captaine 
lohn Smith in Europe, Asia, Africke, and America, beginning about 
the yeere 1593, and continued to the present, 1G29 '' (1G30), pp. 59-60. 

f This is an even more picturesque tale than Macaulay's " gallant 
merchant ship," apart from the fact of the one story being tnae, and 
the other only a poet's figment. 


along the Spanish Main. But in the early years of the 
seventeenth century a host of masterless men were left at 
large without anything to do, or much taste for an honest 
calling. Then " those that were poor, or had nothing but 
from hand to mouth, turned Pirats : some because they 
became slighted of them for whom they had got such 
wealth ; some for that they could not get their due ; some, 
that had lived bravely, would not abase themselves to 
poverty ; some vainly, only to get a name ; others for 
revenge, covetousnesse, or as ill ; and as they found them- 
selves more and more oppressed, their passions increasing 
with discontent, made them turne Pirats." Hunted out 
of the European seas, hosts of these knaves retired to 
Barbary, and there " turning Turk," entered the service 
of the Grand Seigneur, who by his deputies, the Dey of 
Algiers, the Bey of Tunis, and the Bashaw of Tripoli, had 
taken very kindly to the ancient trade of Piracy.* But 
several preferred Morocco, where for a time they did 
famously well. " Ward a poore English sailer, and 
Dansker a Dutchman, made first here their marts, when the 
Moores knew scarce how to saile a ship : Bishop was ancient 
and did little hurt : but Easton got so much as made 
himselfe a Marquesse in Savoy : and Ward lived like a 
Bashaw in Barbary : these were the first that taught the 
Moores to be men of warre." Now and then they came to 
condign grief if captured by the galleys of the Knights 
of Malta, of the Pope, the Florentines, and the Genoese, or 
by the Dutch and English men-of-war, on the outlook for 
them. But King James was a merciful prince, when his 
own life was not in peril, and pardoned whole batches of the 
captured Corsair captains, though " Gennings, Harris, 

* For a full account of Piracy in tlie Barbary States other than 
Morocco, the reader is referred to Mr. Lane-Poole's " Barbarj' Cor 
sairs " in the " Story of the Nations " series (1890). 


Thompson, and divers others," being taken red-handed in 
Ireland, a coast much in favour with them, were duly 
executed at Wapping Old Stairs. They were, however, a 
lazy set of villains, rioting ashore among Jews, Turks, 
Moors and worse, until their ill-gotten gains were gone, 
and soon disgusted their Moslem associates. By and by 
the latter having learned all they could teach, "beganne to 
command them as slaves " and the worthless rapscallions 
they were, one and all. In this way, Captain John Smith 
tells us — and he is speaking of what he knew as well as 
any of those contemporary with the events described — 
the Sallateens — as the Sallee folk were called — became so 
powerful that by the advent of Charles I. they were the 
terror of " all the Straights," and even of the merchantmen 
in the Atlantic and in " the narrow seas of England," 
where their armed vessels were often seen. 

This explanation of the origin of the Morocco pirates is 
confirmed by the fact that, on the Portuguese capturing 
Mamora, they found * it a perfect kennel of European out- 
laws — English, French, and Dutch, but few Italian or 
Spanish — the offscourings of every port, who, like the 
** squaw men " of the West, and the ** Beach Combers " of 
the Pacific, led a congenial existence among the Bar- 
barians. But when the Sallee Eovers first occupy a 
prominent plan in history — and they appear very often in 
the Public Records of the two and a half centuries between 
the eras of Elizabeth and George IV. — they were to all 
intents and purposes Moors, though now and then a 
Renegade Captain is noted as in command. 

Sallee had, indeed, soon after the establish- 
ment of Muley Ismail on the united throne of tj^^^^^ °* 
Morocco, become a sort of Republic, under a 
Bashaw of the Emperor's appointment, but otherwise to a 

* Note 40. 


large extent self-governing. The Emperor not only shared 
in their plunder and winked at their inequity, but actually 
provided the vessels, though it was not until Sallee lost 
its gwasi independence that the Sultan became his own 
pirate, and took all the profits. Even then he preyed,, 
nominally at least, only on the commerce of the Christian 
States with which he was at enmity, or had not been 
bribed to keep at peace. In truth, he was not very 
particular, disputes continually arising over the unfriendly 
nations sailing under the flags of the friendly ones, and 
exhibiting their "passes." But when the Sallateens were 
most flourishing, there was no pretence of favouring any 
flag ; and at the very time the " rovers " were bringing their 
prizes into the Bou-ragreg River, there were merchants- 
of all nations living peacefully in the pirate town, and even 
Consuls (Jews generally and traders always) accredited 
to the country, and yet powerless or reluctant to interfere. 
The rise of the twin-town, after the combined attack upon 
it by Muley Zidan's forces by land and Charles the First 
of England's fleet on the seaward side, and its elasticity 
under various subsequent sieges, were due to the wealth 
which the lucrative trade of the majority of the inhabitants 
poured into the Corsairs capital. At all events, in the 
reign of George I., when the hero of this volume made 
his first involuntary visit to it, Sallee was flourishing^ 
and continued to prosper for many years afterwards. 

This port was especially in favour with the pirates, mainly 
because the others were in the hands of foreign powers. 
But after Mamora, Azila, and Efl Arish (Larache) were 
taken from Portugal, and Tangier was abandoned by 
England, all of these places, and especially the first, 
shared in its evil reputation, though the destruction of the 
mole, the remains of which can still be seen above the 
surface of the sea at low water, coupled with the proximity 


of Gibraltar, rendered the latter a less convenient shelter 
than it would otherwise have been. When it suited the 
Sultan's purpose, he disowned responsibility for Sallateens, 
declaring, as he did at a later date in the case of the Eiff 
Pirates, that they were beyond his jurisdiction. At other 
times, he treated them simply as privateers who paid him 
well for the privilege of preying with impunity on the 
Nazarenes. Yet in January, 1745, at a date when England 
was at peace with Muley Abdallah, the crew of the Inspector, 
a British privateer wrecked in Tangier Bay, were seized and 
detained for five years in captivity at Mequinez and Fez ; 
the Emperor being evidently of opinion that, as another 
Moorish monarch remarked on being reproached with 
breaking a treaty, a Moslem should not, like a Christian, 
" be the slave of his word." Indeed, had Muley El-Jezid 
been able to take Ceuta, which he besieged twice towards 
the close of last century, his intention was to use it as a 
port from whence his galleys might sally forth for the 
purpose of capturing ships passing through the Straits, 
without much punctilio as to the flags which they flew. 

The Moors' capacity for ship-building rarely permitted of 
vessels much larger than thirty, forty, or at the outside 
sixty tons being built by themselves, by the renegadoes, or 
by their Christian slaves ; and even when they captured 
larger craft suited for their purpose, the difficulty of 
getting them over the bars of the Bou-ragreb and Sebou, 
rivers which were yearly more and more shoaling up the 
harbours of Sallee and Mamora, rendered them chary of 
utiHzing such windfalls. Muley Abdallah and his son, 
Sidi Mohammed, swaggered loudly about their intention of 
fitting out larger vessels capable of cruising on the high 
seas. But their efforts never went very far in that direc- 
tion, for by the time the latter managed to launch a 
frigate of forty-five guns, with a crew of 330 men, under 


the Eeis Hadjj Ben Hassan Houet Sbivi, the bar was 
so bad that the cannon had to be unloaded into barges 
before such a heavy draught vessel could enter the port. 
Even Tetuan, which was tried as a harbour, was found 
too exposed, in spite of the chains across the Martin 
Eiver which were jealously maintained far into this 
century, for this fleet, which, if we may judge of the 
remnants of it which until lately lay rotting in El 
Arish — the Garden of the Hesperides — would be nowa- 
days accounted a sorry task for the smallest of gun-boats 
to demolish. But these heavily armed rovers, manned by 
bold, desperate ruffians skilled in attack and defence, 
were formidable foes for the crew of a merchant-ship of 
small tonnage and few hands. Generally the Sallateens 
managed to get alongside by flying false colours, or by 
pretending to be Algerines, then much dreaded, and often 
on some pretence or other weakened the doomed ship's 
power of resistance by inducing the captain and some of 
the crew to come on board their own vessel. Yet when 
fighting was necessary, the Moors seldom showed any 
lack of courage, boarding the enemy in gallant style after 
she had been disabled by the fire of their artillery. Most 
frequently they contented themselves with i)lundering the 
ship, and then either scuttling or setting her adrift. But 
the crew were invariably carried into port, for they consti- 
tuted the most valuable portion of the prize. The daring 
of these Sallateens was occasionally remarkable, for not 
only did they attack large ships, and make sudden raids 
on the farms and villages of the opposite coast, but in 
summer they would venture across the Bay of Biscay, 
and lie under the shelter of Lundy Island ready to cut out 
vessels sailing down the Bristol Channel. Now and then, 
however, they met with sore disasters, and not only were 
beaten o£f with loss, but even had the tables turned upon 


them ; while cases are on record in which they were tempted 
to try issues with a disguised war-sloop, when, in the 
words of an old song describing such an encounter — 

" The answer tliat we gave them, 
Did sink them in the sea." 

It must have been after some such mishap that, with at 
view to keep the peace, the governor ordered every man to 
put his thumbs in his girdle the moment the painful 
theme was discussed in the street. The Chevalier Acton, 
commander of a Tuscan war-ship, falling in with five of 
Sidi Mohammed's " xebeks " off Cape Spartel, captured, 
ran ashore, or dispersed all of them. 

Indeed, the ships which the Sultans built when they 
took piracy into their own hands were constantly being 
lost by the clumsiness of their captains, as the " Eeis " 
was selected not so much for his seamanship as for his 
ability to pay for any damage which the vessel in his 
charge might sustain. The result was extreme caution 
on his part, and, as the Emperor took all the profit, a 
natural reluctance on the part of the Moors to serve as 
sailors — a circumstance which led to a decline in the 
number of the prizes taken. But this was not always so. 
In Muley Ismail's reign, the Sultan claimed ten per cent of 
the value of the prize : if he took more than this number 
of slaves, which he generally did, the pirates were sup- 
posed to receive value for them. Hence, in spite of 
many of them being armed with no better artillery than 
stones, with which the crew were so violently assailed that 
they ran below and allowed their vessel to be easily 
boarded, the rovers did a brisk trade. Muley Abdallah 
reserved the slaves for himself, paying the pirates for 
them at a low fixed rate ; but Sidi Mohammed, after 
depriving Sallee-Eabat of its semi-independency, com- 



manded the Corsairs to act for his profit alone. How- 
ever, looking upon the slaves as a resource of revenue, 
he treated them with more humanity than his father or 

„ This was, nevertheless, very much a matter 

captives were of chance, depending as it did on the whim of 

treated. ^ despot, or the character of the officials to 
whose custody they were committed. The latter were 
rarely actuated by kindly feelings to the unfortunates. 
Embittered by religious fanaticism, or by the memory 
of their countrymen driven out of " Andaloos," drowned 
in the Straits, or hung at the yard-arm or toiling in 
the Christian galleys, they heaped upon the prisoners 
every malediction to be raked out of the foul kennel 
of Moorish profanity, cursing their burnt fathers and 
unveiled mothers to the remotest generation, and too 
frequently emphasizing their words by blows. As 
the captives defiled through the filthy lanes to the 
underground dungeons — still to be seen — in Sallee, they 
were hooted by the rabble, pelted by the children, and 
spat upon by the women. And from the hour they left 
that town, until ten days later, they arrived footsore and 
weary in Fez or Mequinez — then the usual residence of the 
Sultan — hard fare, black looks, and constant revilings 
were there unvarying lot. In the interior they met with 
no countrymen in a position to help them ; all were either 
slaves like themselves, or apostates who had forsworn 
their king and their faith. But even in the coast 
towns the merchants, living as they did by sufferance, and 
eager to truckle to the authorities, seldom displayed much 
pity for their helpless compatriots. For when they might 
have been less timorously discreet, they were afraid lest 
any familiarity might lead the officers to imagine that the 
captives to whom the foreign trader or " tadjir " showed 


attention were people of consequence, and therefore likely 
to fetch a heavier ransom. 

In the capital, the life of the white slaves was no better. 
There, after being inspected by the Emperor, they were 
set to work, until overtures for their ransom arrived. 
This system, it ought in justice to the Moors to be 
remembered, was not long before in vogue all over 
Europe. For were not sovereigns seized in passing through 
the territories of rival princes, and shipwrecked mariners 
treated in like manner, until their freedom could be 
purchased for a sum of money proportionate to their 
rank — a state of matters still kept in memory by the phrase, 
** a king's ransom " ? The only difference was that the 
Moors were a little behind the progress of the age in 
following this fashion of a bygone period, just as they 
are at the present day in selling offices when this method 
of entering the Civil Service has been abandoned in the 
realms of Christendom. The slavery of the times to which 
we refer was dismal in the extreme. Compared with the 
toil to which thousands of English sailors were put, the 
life of the negroes in the Southern States of America was 
a pleasure. Muley Ismail and his successors had a mania 
for building. No Moorish sovereign ever inhabiting the 
same palace or the same rooms as bis predecessor, the 
slaves were for the most part employed in erecting houses, 
or in preparing the materials for the masons. This 
consisted in stamping earth mixed with lime, gravel, 
and water, in order to make the " taib " or concrete, 
which after being moulded like bricks in boxes, hardens 
into blocks almost as lasting as stone. The amalgamation 
is accomplished by a heavy wooden stamper of about 
twelve or fifteen pounds weight, being worked, as an old 
slave of Muley Ismail has put on record, ** from the 
Break of Day till Stars appear at Night without inter- 


mission or standing still." The whish ! wbish ! of this 
instrument is still, in the interior cities of Morocco, where 
no rumble of wheels breaks the stillness of these sleepy 
hives of Drowsihead, the most frequent sound which 
reaches the ear. Others were engaged in digging out earth, 
quarrying limestone, and burning it, or in collecting fuel 
with which to heat the kilns. Among the many buildings 
which they erected in Muley Abdallah's reign may be 
mentioned the palace of Dar Debibeg near Fez, and in 
Muley Ismail's an entire "town for the Jews." The 
eight-span bridge over the Tensift Eiver near the city 
of Morocco is also said to have been built by the Portu- 
guese captives who survived the defeat of Dom Sebastian 
at that battle of Alcazar which has been the theme of so 
many poems and stories, besides the famous play of George 

In those days wheeled carriages, now all but unknown 
in the interior of Morocco, appear to have been in use ; for 
the slaves were also employed as carters, and went all day 
with waggons full of building materials, drawn by bulls 
and horses yoked together — this incongruous team being 
nothing out of the way in a country where a camel and 
a mule may be seen drawing a one-stilted plough, and 
on two occasions I noted a woman and a donkey harnessed 
to this primitive agricultural implement. The Christians 
had even to drag the Moslem artillery. The more skilful 
mechanics were set to make gunpowder, and to cast 
cannon — an art which died out after Christian slavery 
ceased — or to help the native artizans to make or repair 
small arms. Sawing, cutting, cementing, and erecting 
marble pillars occupied the time of others. The less 
able-bodied watched the beasts in the fields at night, 
attended to the horses, or raised water by the cumbersome 
wheel still in use. Pulling down old buildings with the 


rudest tools was another labour to which they were 
commonly put, and so careless were their overseers that 
it often happened the slaves were killed or hurt by the 
falling walls. Their tasks were sometimes superintended 
by the Emperor Ismail in person, and if it suited his 
humour he would dismount and take a turn with the 
pickaxe, or the mallet. Yet his presence was even less 
desired than that of the ordinary overseer ; for during 
the time he remained the slaves were not allowed a 
moment's rest, not even to stand upright to ease their 
weary backs or to get a drop of water, though the summer 
sun was so hot as to blister their half-naked bodies. 

Sickness, which soon overtook the whites unused to 
such toil in such a climate, was not considered any plea 
for relief, and many a poor fellow worked under the 
stimulus of the stick until he fell down, and was carried 
oflf to die. They were beaten on the slightest provocation 
or out of mere wantonness, and the most insulting epithets 
hurled at the poor wretches, in any language of which 
the drivers happened to have picked up a few words. 
The daily toil over, they were housed in damp underground 
cellars, or " Matamoras," or in open sheds exposed to 
the rain or snow, which in winter sometimes falls to a 
considerable depth in Fez and Mequinez, where ice an 
inch thick is by no means unknown. Even there they 
were not always free of annoyance, by the baser order 
amusing themselves by throwing stones and clods of dirt 
at them. "Kaffir!" or " Unbeliever," was about the mildest 
word addressed to them, and as an Arab generally applies 
this term to his donkey in the interval of whacks, the 
opprobriousness of the epithet may be imagined. 

To sustain a life of such unending toil the captives were 
fed very sparingly on the worst of food. Sometimes they 
were allowed a small sum — about 2d. — to board themselves. 


Yet as they were not always permitted to go at large in 
the town, and had therefore to entrust their marketing 
to some Moor, they were usually cheated out of half their 
dues. Clothing they had none except a few rags, so that 
the most miserable beggar in Mequinez was better fed and 
sheltered than the man who might a few days before have 
been the master of a stout ship, or a merchant in a con- 
siderable way of business. Occasionally, however, their 
feet fell in pleasanter places, in so far that the Emperor 
soundly bastinadoed a more than ordinarily brutal over- 
seer, and solaced the injured slaves by sending them a 
plentiful supply of ** Cuscussoo," the favourite Moorish 
dish. Yet a few minutes later, the same uncertain-tempered 
tyrant would spear a captive whose mode of work dis- 
pleased him, or order him to fight with the wild animals 
in his menagerie. 

In very exceptional cases, the slaves enjoyed a life 
almost of freedom, being permitted to engage in trade, and 
even to keep taverns, where they made so much money 
as to be able to buy their freedom. But the common 
lot of a white slave in Morocco, if not worse than that 
of the captives in Algiers, Tripoli, or Tunis, was no better, 
except that they were seldom employed to row in the 
galleys, the Emperor not caring to risk keeping them near 
the coast. All classes had to endure this misery, though 
as a rule most of them were seamen, and often the higher 
the position of the slave the worse he was treated, in order 
to stimulate his friends to send all the sooner the large 
ransom demanded for him. Often after obtaining their 
liberty, the captives' constitutions were seriously injured 
by their treatment in Barbary, though, judging from the 
pious titles of the narratives which they wrote on their 
return, and the religious reflections after the manner of 
Eobinson Crusoe on his island, or of Master Pellow at the 


outset of his story, their moral fibre was considerably 
improved by the chastening they had endured. But in 
all my reading of these quaint little volumes, I cannot 
remember more than one instance in which a captive's 
physique was benefited by his travail among the infidels. 
This exception was that of Sir Jeffrey Hudson, the peppery 
dwarf of Charles I., who went into captivity eighteen 
inches high, and emerged therefrom three feet and a 
quarter, a result which the little man attributed to the 
hard work he had to perform. 

There have, however, been instances in which the slaves 
utilized the experience they gained for the mutual benefit 
of themselves and their relations. A romantic instance 
of this is commemorated by a huge tenement in the 
Canongate of Edinburgh, still known as " Morocco Land." 
Though now inhabited by the poorest people, it bears 
like many houses in that street the traces of former 
grandeur. Over the alley passing under it is a Latin 
legend : — 

" Miserere mei, Domine : a peccato, probo, Debito et morte 
SUBITA. Libera ME l.G. 18" — 

and from a recess above the second floor projects the 
eflSgy of a Moor, a black naked man, with a turban and 
necklace of beads. This was evidently the notion enter- 
tained by the Scottish artist of 1618 regarding an African 
potentate belonging to the same race as Othello, who even 
yet, with a realism to which ethnology lends no coun- 
tenance, is represented by a negroised personage. The 
tradition attaching to this building is, that early in the 
reign of James L, a Scottish girl having bean captured by 
a Sallee Rover, became a favourite with the then Emperor 
of Morocco. Desirous of utilizing her influence for the 
benefit of her brother, she sent for him, and he, proving 


successful in his commercial dealings, returned home, and 
erected this mansion, on the facade of which he set up the 
effigy of his imperial brother-in-law and benefactor. This 
is one legend. But there are several others, and possibly 
the following alternative one is quite as picturesque, and 
perhaps not less historical. It is to the effect that soon after 
the accession of Charles I., the house of the Lord Provost 
— or chief magistrate — was set on fire by a mob led 
by Andrew Gray, the scapegrace cadet of a noble 
family, who, in spite of all the influence brought to bear 
upon the judges, was condemned to be hanged. But 
before the day appointed for his execution arrived, the 
culprit managed to escape, and was forgotten, until, many 
years subsequently, a Barbary pirate appeared in the 
Frith of Forth, and demanded an enormous ransom from 
the city. At that hour the town was so depopulated by 
the plague that there were not sixty able-bodied men 
capable of resisting the fierce Corsairs. The stricken 
citizens had perforce, therefore, to agree to their terms. 
But the Provost was unable to send his son as a hostage 
for the fulfilment of the contract, for his only child was 
a daughter, and she was dying of the epidemic. On 
hearing this the pirate captain declared that he had an 
elixir which would cure her, and that if he failed, the city 
should get quit of the promised ransom. The lady was 
cured, and then the pirate-physician revealed his identity. 
He was the fugitive Andrew Gray, who, entering the 
service of the Emperor of Morocco, had returned on board 
this pirate ship determined to take vengeance on the city 
which had so despitefully used him. But love was then 
as now '* the lord of all," and so the Sallee Eeis abjured 
roving, married the Provost's daughter, and died a sober 
citizen in the town where he had begun life so untowardly. 
He it was, according to this version, who fixed the 


Emperor's bust on the house to which he brought his 
bride, and where in his piratical days he cured her of 
the plague. This was in 1645, the year in which Muley 
El- Valid, the most clement of the El-hhoseini dynasty, 
died, and his brother Muley Ahmed- Sgeikh, last of the 
sons of Muley Zidan, began his indolent reign. History, 
very fragmentary so far as the Morocco of those times 
is concerned, has preserved no trace of this repentant 
renegade. But, curiously enough. Sir Daniel Wilson, the 
eminent archaeologist, tells us that though the existing title- 
deeds of Morocco Land do not extend further back than 
1731, the owner at that date was one John Gray, who 
might therefore have been a descendant of the Sallee 
Eover and the Provost's daughter. 

How far this pretty tale is true cannot now be known for 
certain. But except that it is doubtful whether in 1645 
the Saltan of Morocco had any vessels large enough to 
venture as far as Scotland, there is nothing in either 
variant not in accordance with actual incidents in the 
romantic chronicles of Moroquin slavery. The mother of 
Muley Abdallah — the astute Lalla Yoneta or Khoneta — is 
said to have been an English captive, and among the many 
other wives of Muley Ismail were ladies of Spanish, English, 
Greek, and other European nationalities. Thus the 
mother of Muley El- Valid was a Spaniard, and that of 
Muley es Shereef — often mentioned in Fellow's narrative — 
" a Christian " until she " turned Moor." Early in last 
century a Mrs. Shaw, an Irishwoman, was a temporary 
inmate of his harem, but in 1727 she was seen in Mequinez 
in rags, the wife of a Spanish renegado, and so far lost 
to civilization as to have forgotten her native tongue in 
the course of the nine years she had been in captivity. 
Muley Ismail had even the effrontery to demand in 
marriage the Mdlle. de Blois, afterwards Princess de 


Conti, daughter of Louis XIV. of France and Mademoiselle 
de la Valliere, an incident which forced the wits of Ver- 
sailles into verse, of which J. B. Eousseau's lines are 
perhaps not the worst : — 

" Votre beaute, grand princesse, 
Porte les traits dont elle blesse, 
JusqueS aux plus sauvages lieux ; 
L'Afrique avec vous capitule 
Et les conquetes de vos yeux 
Vont plus loin que celles d'Hercule." 

One of the first wives wed by Sidi Mohammed was Lalla 
Seersceta, or Zazet, daughter of an Irish or — as other 
legends affirm — a Hessian renegade ; and one of his last 
was Lalla Douvia, a member of the Genoese family of 
Francischini. But though the first-named lady was the 
mother of Muley El-Jezid, the present Sultan being 
descended not from that sovereign, but from his brother, 
Muley Hisciam (the son of another wife), cannot, as often 
said, have ** Irish blood in his veins." There is, no doubt, 
a tale told how the widow of an Irish sergeant of artillery 
who had been employed by the father or grandfather of 
Muley El-Hassan, finding favour in the Sultan's eyes, and 
being a " lone woman," accepted his Majesty's offer, and 
so rose into lofty rank as the mother of the future Emperor. 
But except as a confused version of Sidi Mohammed's 
matrimonial venture, I cannot find any basis for this bit 
of Hibernian romance. Again, some of the captives now 
and then managed to obtain considerable influence over 
the Sultan. Thus, Muley Ismail's doctor was a Spanish 
slave, and the " Maestro Juan," who exercised such power 
that he was denied almost nothing, seems to have been 
a Catalonian captive, noted for his sincerity, discretion, 
and good works. The Spanish prisoners, however, like 
the Portuguese, though allowed a chaplain and a hospital 
in Mequinez, were never regarded with the same goodwill 


as those belonging to other nationalities. Abdallah, 
Fellow's last master, would seldom permit them to be 
ransomed, in revenge for the hardships inflicted upon the 
Moorish captives in the galleys of Cadiz and Lisbon, and 
on the Moriscoes when they were driven out of the 
Peninsula. As the English did not then enslave their 
captives, the Emperor treated our people rather better, 
though none of them were quite pampered either by him 
or by his successor. Yet Muley El-Jezid, the ** Red 
Sultan," amidst all his truculence, bestowed marked 
favours on the countrymen of his mother, albeit that lady 
received little filial affection at his hands. 

The Moors had, however, no great liking for Ransom or 
Christians simply as slaves, though Muley ^^<=*p«- 
Ismail, for ostentation's sake, kept great numbers about 
him. Negroes were in every respect better servants — 
unless the captive happened to be a skilled artificer — and 
made no attempt to escape. This, it is needless to add, 
the captured Christians never ceased to regard as a possi- 
bility. Ransom was therefore what they were detained in 
the hope of bringing. The wealthier only could usually 
arrange for this being sent from home. The poorer ones, 
if Roman Catholics, looked to the Fathers of Our Lady of 
Mercy, or to the Trinitarian, or Mercenarian, or Redemp- 
tionist Fathers, orders specially charged with the collection 
of money for the ransom of " Christians among the 
infidels," and to undertake the weary, and oftentimes 
dangerous, journeys demanded by their benevolent missions. 
The English bondmen lived in hope of the king sending, 
as he usually did, a periodical embassy for the purpose of 
obtaining the freedom of his enslaved subjects. If this 
failed, there were pious benefactions like that which 
Thomas Betton left in trust with the Ironmongers' Com- 
pany for the express purpose of redeeming those so 


unfortunate as to experience the fate which had been his. 
At every church door also there were collections for the 
manumission of poor sea-faring folk who had been "taken" 
by Algerines or Salleteenes, so that with patience there 
was always a chance of the slave seeing his native land 
again. But as the experience of many of them proved, 
by and by meant an indefinite number of years. Even 
when the Sultan was willing to free them there were end- 
less obstacles in the way, and it is feared that not 
unfrequently the *' Christian merchants " and the Jews, 
who somehow or other managed to squeeze a profit out of 
the Nazarenes' toil, did something to retard their ransom ; 
for as the Sultan did not care to be paid for his prisoners 
in money, but in ammunition, arms, and the like, the 
traders in the coast towns found a less lucrative customer 
in him than they would otherwise have done. Nor were 
the apostates very fond of seeing their countrymen who 
had been more steadfast in the faith receiving the reward 
of their endurance. Hence, dealing as the agents did with 
a shifty despot, they had sometimes to return without 
accomplishing their errand. Even when they succeeded, 
the average cost was between two and three hundred 
dollars for the purchase of each captive, and when 
Moorish prisoners were accepted in exchange it was seldom 
that the rate was lower than ten of the Faithful for one of 
the Unbelievers ; and when manuscripts left in Spain were, 
as in one instance, accepted in barter, the ratio was fixed 
in a manner quite as disproportionate. 

To escape was not so easy. The captives were closely 
watched, and treachery among their own number was con- 
stantly to be dreaded ; for just as misfortune brings out 
the heroic in the humblest of souls, so does it develop the 
baseness of the worser sort. All kinds of expedients were 
adopted to enable the runaways to get a start before they 


were missed, or to avoid pursuit when they were on the 
road. In Algiers it was comparatively easy to make a 
burst for freedom ; for as that city is on the sea-shore 
boats could be seized, and ship captains found ready to 
run the risk of concealing the white slaves determined to 
be free. But in Fez or Mequinez or Marrakesch " a long 
journey through hostile tribes and a roadless country had 
to be undertaken, and after the Europeans had abandoned 
Tangier, Azila, Larache, Mamora, Mazagan, Saffi, and 
Agadir, it was even more dangerous for the captive to arrive 
at the sea in the hope of being able to make the European 
coast. However, Christian slaves were numerous, and so 
it occasionally happened that the runaway managed not to 
attract attention. But if caught, the bastinado was about 
the mildest punishment he could expect. In Muley 
Ismail's day he would most likely have been tortured, or 
speared, and his captors been compelled with cruel irony 
to pay the Sultan for the loss he had sustained by the 
death of so presumptively valuable a piece of property. 

Comparatively few, therefore, had either a chance to 
undertake the risk of this venture, or the courage to face 
the fate which would certainly await them if they failed. 
There was, however, a last expedient to 

escape the misery of daily toil, and this 

many a faint heart adopted at an early stage of his cap- 
tivity. They " turned Moor." In other words they became 
Apostates, or, as the Spaniards call them, Eenegadoes or 
Renegades, by professing, in name at least, the Moham- 
medan faith. Then, though it did not always ensue that 
they were free to follow their own inclinations so long as 
they did not leave the country, they usually received a 
remission of much of their toil, since it was accounted 
infamous not to treat the " convert " as a being very much 
■•' The Moorish name for Morocco city. 


superior to his Christian brethren. The number of these 
renegades was at one time very great. In 1690, it was 
estimated that very few of the 2,000 people captured at the 
surrender of Mamora had not abjured their faith, and that 
only 400 out of the 1,800 enslaved at the fall of Larache 
were "not then Moors." 

And no doubt, to loose-living sailors, there was an often 
irresistible temptation to take this course. The love of a 
swarthy lass, the desire for an easier life, the yearning to 
take vengeance on the task-masters who had so cruelly 
treated them when protest was unavailing, and finally 
the belief that by an outward show of Mohammedanism 
their opportunities for escape would be greater, were among 
the mixed motives which instigated this step. Neverthe- 
less, as Fellow's experience shows, even the renegade did 
not always find his exodus from the house of bondage so 
easy as he had expected. The women almost invariablj' 
adopted the faith of their captors. Then they disappeared 
into the harems, and were seen of christened men no more. 
Their lot, always a miserable one, was not lightened by the 
hope of ransom ; for, as subjects of the Sultan — as all 
renegades were regarded — they were excluded from the 
bounty of the " redemptors,'^ and from their secluded 
position, escape, if ever they had any care to return in 
dishonour to their native land, was all but impossible. 
The captives were, however, not usually importuned to 
change their religion, unless it happened that they fell into 
the hands of bigots ; for as there was an implied contract 
that they were to be free, every Christian " turned Moor " 
meant simply one slave less to his Moslem master. Nor 
were they much esteemed, or trusted more than the majority 
of them deserved, for the sincerity of people who so readily 
turned their religious coat at the bidding of self-interest 
was naturally suspected. A large number of them were. 


in truth, unmitigated rascals of no creed, and ready to 
play into the hands of the Moors or of the Christians alike, 
and to betray both as seemed to promise most profit for 
themselves. Hence an " Oodali " or Christian per\^ert was 
— and is to this day — regarded by the Moors as only a trifle 
better than an "Aselami" or turncoat Jew, who is con- 
sidered as having reached about the lowest depth to which 
human nature can descend. Yet Israelitish regenades are 
frequent, the motive at work in their nominal conver- 
sion being almost always a desire to escape the disabilities 
of the race, or a hope of gaining something thereby. In 
the early days of the Arab invasion of Morocco most of the 
little Atlas tribes of Jews abandoned their faith, and the 
late Grand Vizier, Sid Mohammed Ben Araby, uncle of the 
Emperor by marriage, was the chief of one of these 
supposed renegade communities, a rumour to which his 
markedly Hebraic features lent ample countenance. 

The renegadoes got wives, but it was seldom that they 
were permitted, like Haidee's corsair father, to wed 

"... a Moorish maid from Fez, 
\Miere all is Eden or a wilderness." 

Most frequently they had to content themselves with 
negresses, women of low degree, or the daughters of 
other renegades, and thus to become a class by them- 
selves. Even their children were despised. Muley Ismail 
actually ordered an investigation to be made, so that the 
offspring of slaves and renegades might either be taxed or 
reduced to the condition of their forefathers. In Fez and 
Mequinez there are still swarms of people descended from 
European ancestors, and easily distinguished by their fair 
complexion, and not infrequently fair hair. Agoory, a town 
where Pellow lived for many years, is almost entirely peopled 
by them. Muley Ismail, after a renegade had attempted his 


assassination, determined to have about him as few of the 
Mala Casta (to use the Spanish name for them) as possible. 
Accordingly, he transported about 1,500 of them to the 
distant province of Draa, which, on that account, was long 
known as the Land of the Apostates — and in the chief 
town of that region their descendants live to this day, 
little, if anything, distinguishable from the natives around 

Still, one or two of greater cunning, ability, or knavery, 
managed to attain considerable positions in the country. 
Thus several of the vilest, unable to return with safety 
to their own countries, were captains of pirate vessels. 
As late as 1780, " Omar," a Scotchman, was " Keis " of a 
" zebek " of sixteen guns and 124 men; and early in last 
century a Monsieur Fillet, a former French merchant 
and a friend of Fellow's, was for twelve months governor 
of Sallee. " One Carr," a renegade, was in 1727 Kaid of the 
Jews, and had been governor " on the frontiers of Guinea," 
though he preferred offices less apt to incur malice ; while 
it is scarcely necessary to recall the romantic tale of the 
Duke of Eipperda, who, to take vengeance on Spain, of 
which he had been Frime Minister, crossed the Straits, 
and as the Grand Vizier of Muley Abdallah did his best 
to serve his adopted country, and finally, after having been 
successively Frotestant, Eoman Catholic, and Moham- 
medan, passed the closing years of his life in trying to 
persuade the Moors of Tetuan that he was the last of the 

The little esteem in which these apostates were held 
is shown by the fact that Christians who had made no 
pretence of adopting Islam were readily employed by the 
Sultans. Thus, among the principal architects and military 
engineers in the service of Sidi Mohammed and his suc- 
cessors, were Cornut, a Frenchman ; Petrobelli, a Triestan ; 


de Pietrasanta, a Tuscan ; and Chiappe, a Genoese. As a 
rule the renegades were employed as soldiers, kept at 
work far from the coast, or quartered in distant " kasbahs " 
until they got knocked on the head by the plundered 
country people. In Muley El-Jezid's reign Mogador was 
garrisoned by 250 French turncoats — wrecked seamen who 
had apostatized to save their lives — commanded by Bois- 
selin, the son of a Parisian hatter, who had voluntarily 
chosen the faith and service of the Sultan, and it would 
appear that Pellow and others were raised to considerable 
posts in the army. These voluntary apostates were, how- 
ever, generally scoundrels who had left their country for their 
country's good, escaped convicts from the Spanish fortresses 
on the coast, or individuals who found in the license of a 
semi-lawless land a life more agreeable than that to which 
they would have had to submit in Europe. They therefore 
seldom attempted to leave. But the captives generally 
cherished secret longings in that direction. 

PeUow'8 I^ t^^y managed to accomplish this aim, 

Narrative, their home-coming was an event too rare not 
to excite much attention, and though " interviewing " was 
then uninvented, some particulars about them usually 
found their way into the news sheets, and not infrequently 
the manumitted bondman was presented to the king, in 
the hope of obtaining through his Majesty's bounty a 
pecuniary solace for the hardships he had undergone. As 
a means of ** raising the wind," the escaped seaman some- 
times, with the aid of the local schoolmaster, or other 
literary character, tried to write an account of his adven- 
tures, which he hawked about the country, or disposed of 
by subscription. I have collected upwards of a score of 
these quaintly written, badly printed, dog-eared, narrow- 
margined narratives, and possess a copy of one in Dutch 
which is believed to be unique, as it is unknown to any of 



the bibliographers of Batavian literature. How far these 
narratives were actually the work of the ostensible writers, 
it is not now easy to ascertain. Nor does it matter. They 
had assistance, no doubt. The bits of fine writing, the 
ponderous periods, and the occasional scraps of Latinity, 
bespeak the parson; while the "padding" out of the slim 
volume with unacknowledged extracts from other authors, 
cheek-by-jowl with moral reflections, smacks of the literary 
gentleman who lodged at "the thief-catcher's in Lewkner's 
Lane, and wrote against the impiety of Mr. Eowe's 
plays." For in those days, years after Defoe had penned 
his deathless classic, Grub Street was very busy with the 
Sallee rovers and Barbary slavery, as Eobert Chetwood's 
"Adventures of Captain Boyle," and the "Voyages of 
William Owen Gwin Vaughan " abundantly testify. Such 
help was necessary, for, with few exceptions, the Barbary 
bondmen were " no scholars." Even when they could write, 
many of them had almost forgotten their mother tongue, 
and the fact that Fellow still spoke English may have been 
due to his better early education, and to his continually 
conversing with other English captives either in the 
interior or in the coast towns. 

Fellow's little-known work is perhaps the most valuable 
of these personal narratives. For not only did he travel 
further than^most of his fellows in misfortune, but he lived 
longer in Morocco. At first, I was a little suspicious of 
its authenticity, mainly from the fact that several of the 
pages were verbatim, and not always acknowledged, extracts 
from Windus' " Journey to Mequinez." But it was soon 
evident that these interpolations had been sandwiched into 
Fellow's account by the original editor in order to pad out 
the book, for they were lugged in without any regard to the 
sequence by a person ignorant of Morocco, and too illiterate 
even to put his literary loot into his own words. Much the 


same extracts appear in Troughton's account of the wreck 
of the Inspector, and to some extent also in Ockley's 
work, and in the English edition of Chenier's history. We 
may therefore presume that in an age of no copyright, 
and consequently of loose morality, Windus' oft-pirated 
volume seems to have been regarded as a free warren for 
the first poacher who passed that way. 

The essential truthfulness of the book was however easily 
demonstrable. Rivers, towns, and other localities were 
mentioned which at the time were not to be found on any 
map and in no work ; while the phonetic spelling — though 
not more phonetic than some by more scholarly travellers 
of a later period — showed that the author could not have 
consulted "Authorities," otherwise he would have adopted 
the usual orthography. Events are noted and men men- 
tioned who, though now familiar, were at the date of his 
writing strangers to European fame, and indeed were not 
celebrated in print for years subsequently. Here and there, 
as I have shown in the appended notes, Pellow makes 
blunders when, had he been inventing a history, he would 
have insured accuracy by pillaging from early accessible 
books capable of supplying the necessary information. 

To this may be added that the Pellow family are still 
numerous in and about Penryn, and that the people men- 
tioned in the course of the narrative have enabled us to 
check the statements made by him. Colonel James, who 
wrote a description of the Gibraltar Straits, saw the MS. 
of the book, and finally, if further proof were necessary 
that Thomas Pellow was a real personage, this is supplied 
in a manner which admits of no possible cavil. In the 
course of his narrative he casually notes that " Captain 
Eussel" had arrived in Morocco, but vouchsafes no 
other information regarding him. But in turning to 
Braithwaite's account of Mr Eussel's embassy, we find a 


confirmatory description of Pellow — or Pilleau, as he spells 
the name — under date Nov. 27, 1727 : " To-day were 
visited [in Mequinez] by one Pilleau, a young fellow of 
good family in Cornwal but now turned Moor. He was 
taken very young with Captain Pilleau his Uncle, and being 
a handsome boy he was given by Muley Ismael to one of 
his sons. The Christian captives gave this young man a 
wonderful character, saying he endured enough to have 
killed seven men, before his master could make him turn. 
Pilleau being taken very young spoke the Arabick language 
as well as the Moors, and having traversed this vast country 
even to the frontier of Guinea, was capable of giving a very 
good account of it. He is at present a soldier, as all the 
renegadoes are, who have no particular trade or calling ; 
but their allowance of pay and corn is so small that they 
are in a starving condition, being obliged to rob and plun- 
der for the greatest part of their subsistence ; for which 
they were often killed when taken." We also find from 
other allusions that he frequently acted as interpreter for 
the Embassy. 

Apart, however, from its interest as a tale of strange 
adventures, Pellow 's narrative, written thirteen years 
subsequent to the date of this interview, is valuable as a 
geographical document, though, strangely enough, it has 
been neglected by Kenou and other commentators on the 
topography of Morocco, and does not find a place in any of 
the imperfect bibliographies of Moroquin literature. Yet 
Pellow visited many parts of the country for the first time, 
and several which not improbably have not been seen by 
any other European traveller. He was, moreover, a soldier 
under Muley Ismail, Muley Dehebhi, Muley Abdelmalek, and 
Muley Abdallah, and was an eye-witness to most of the 
sanguinary episodes of their reigns. His tale appears to 
have been compiled by the aid of notes of some kind 


though in not a few instances his memory was too im- 
plicitly relied upon for distances, dates, and the names 
of places. This he confesses, when it would have been 
easy enough for a less conscientious author to have 
invented what he had forgotten. For as Sir John Maunde- 
vile puts it, " thinges passed out of long tyme from a 
Mannes mynde or from his syght, turnen sone into for- 

The book, of which two editions were ''Printed by R. 
Goadby, and sold by W. Owen, Bookseller at Temple Bar, 
London," was issued without date, in 1740, under the 
following prolix title : — " The History of the Long Cap- 
tivity and Adventures of Thomas Fellow, in South-Barbary. 
Giving an Account of his being taken by two Sallee Rovers, 
and carry'd a Slave to Mequinez, at Eleven Years of Age : 
His various Adventures in that Country for the Space of 
Twenty-three Years : Escape, and Return Home. In which 
is introduced, a particular Account of the Manners and 
Customs of the Moors ; the astonishing Tyranny and 
Cruelty of their Emperors, and a Relation of all those 
great Revolutions and Bloody Wars which happen'd in the 
Kingdoms of Fez and Morocco, between the Years 1720 and 
1736. Together with a Description of the Cities, Towns, 
and Public Buildings in those Kingdoms ; Miseries of the 
Christian Slaves ; and many other Curious Particulars. 
Written by Himself." This anachronistic periphrasis we 
have somewhat abridged. But with the exception of the 
omission of some of the passages stolen from other authors, 
the body of this volume is a full reprint of the mariner's 
curious tale. Even the illiterate spelling of the names has 
not been altered, for the author evidently wrote them with- 
out much idea of Arabic orthography ; so that any attempt 
to modernize them might prevent the less patent ones 
from being deciphered. The notes, however, which I have 


appended will elucidate the more obscure allusions. Alto- 
gether, the book may be treated as a fairly accurate picture 
of Morocco between 1715 and 1738, in addition to being 
an account of twenty-three years' unique experience in a 
country still only partially known, and in those days even 
less familiar to Europe. I am the more confirmed in this 
opinion by the fact that my accomplished young friend, 
Mr, Budgett-Meakin, of Tangier, who printed the greater 
part in the " Times of Morocco," and to whom I am in- 
debted for some of the modern names and vernacular 
Arabic, has, in common with other English residents, 
arrived at the same conclusion regarding its authenticity, 
though until now its importance in the history of Moroquin 
geography has not been recognized. 

The But of " all good things there cometh an 

of^sia^ery^m ^nd." And thus in the fulness of time a traffic 
Morocco, go lucrative as that of the capture and enslave- 
ment of Christians began to draw to a close. Europe was 
getting stronger and Morocco weaker. All of the Barbary 
States had been feeling the heavy hand of the Nazarenes, 
and Morocco was not long to escape. In 1791, England 
framed a treaty confirming one of a previous date which 
gave our merchants much greater liberty than they had 
hitherto enjoyed, and permitted any renegade to return to 
his old faith so long as he had not appeared on three 
separate days before the governor of a city or province 
and the English Consul, declaring each time his resolution 
to remain a Mussulman. Prisoners, were, however, still 
" taken " and still ransomed as of old. But in 1800 Muley 
Suliman agreed with Spain that there should be a reciprocal 
interchange of captives, and similar contracts were soon 
afterwards entered into with other powers. Then, in 1817, 
Suliman agreed to disarm his war vessels, and formally 
put an end to the system which had so long prevailed, a 


course to which he was the more readily persuaded by hear- 
ing of the trouble which had befallen Tripoli, Tunis, and 
Algiers, by the growing strength of the British in the 
vicinity of Gibraltar, and lastly by the difficulty found in 
sheltering his pirate fleets in their old haunts, owing to the 
shoaling up of the river mouths. 

Still, though piracy and slavery were no longer officially 
recognized, they did not entirely cease. They were too 
profitable. Along the wild Riff shore, where the inhabitants 
scarcely recognize the authority of the Sultan, it was 
perilous for a merchant ship to lie becalmed, especially in 
the vicinity of the village of Beni-boogaffer, near Cape 
" Tres Forcas " (Eas ed Dir), about fifteen miles to the 
westward of the Spanish presidio of Melilla. For suddenly 
the natives launched their " kareebs," hidden in nooks or 
buried under sand, and bore down upon the vessel, firing 
volleys to frighten the doomed crew, who, if they did not 
escape in their boats, were certain to be enslaved and 
their ship pillaged and burnt. But though compelled to 
labour in the fields, on a scanty allowance of poor food, 
they were not actually ill-treated unless they offered resist- 
ance — which was difficult, as the "kareebs" were each 
manned by thirty or forty men all armed with long guns, 
pistols, and daggers. 

This went on up to the year 1856, when Sir John 
Drummond-Hay succeeded in rescuing some prisoners, 
and exacting a promise that similar conduct should not 
occur again. This compact was kept ; for the capture of a 
Spanish vessel in 1889 was really not an act of piracy, but 
an exercise of zeal on the part of the tribesmen desirous of 
punishing a ship's crew engaged in contraband trade. Along 
the Sus coast, and further south, every vessel wrecked there 
was looked upon by the wild Ai-abs as a lawful prize, and 
though the Sultan used means to rescue the crew, he 


invariably disclaimed responsibility for these outrages. In 
this way Saugnier, Eiley, Adams, Puddock, Cochelet, and 
other seamen \^■ho wrote narratives of their adventm-es, 
were enslaved. A Spanish subject of British descent — Mr. 
James Butler, generally known as Butler-Abrines — having 
in 1868 landed on this coast, at a spot only five days' 
journey by land south of Mogador, was, with two friends, 
seized by the Sheik Habib ben Baruk, and held until the 
Spanish Government redeemed them, after seven years' 
captivity, for the sum of £5,400. Seiaor Butler died only 
four years ago. M. Camille Douls, a young French traveller, 
was the latest victim of these brigands, who treated him 
with the greatest cruelty during his detention in 1887. 
But though the Sultan affected to disarm his vessels, he 
did not altogether lay them up in ordinary. As late as 
1829 he captured the ships of Powers with which he had 
not formed treaties, under a peculiarly Moorish convention 
which took for granted that they who were not with him 
were against him. In that year when Sir Arthur Brooke 
was at Tangier, he noticed the departure of two Moorish 
brigs '•' in the hope of pouncing upon some hapless Bremen 
or Hamburg merchantmen," and mentions that Sweden 
and other States, to save themselves the expense of main- 
taining costly squadrons in the Mediterranean, actually 
paid Muley Abd-er-Eahman good round sums by way of 

Their escapades nevertheless cost His Shereefian Majesty 
rather dearly. For in 1828 the English established a 
blockade of the Morocco coast in retaliation for some 
damage done by his corsairs, and in 1829 the capture of 
an Austrian ship led to the bombardment of the ports of 
Tetuan, Azila, and Piabat-Sallee, while there were constant 
bickerings with Spain over the piratical proceedings of the 
Riff men already mentioned. These difficulties, coupled 


with a variety of other " outrages " more or less well 
founded, culminated in the Spanish war of 1859-60, which 
taught the Moors a well-rememhered lesson. 

The truth seems to have been that the Sultans of Morocco, 
like their brethren in Tunis, Tripoli, and Algiers, yielded 
only to the force majeure ; and it is now known that before 
the French occupation of the last-named city demonstrated 
the hopelessness of any return of the good old days, secret 
embassies, with the object of establishing an anti- Christian 
league, were passing backwards and forwards among these 
pirate-powers of Islam. But in time, piracy was relegated 
to the traditions of Morocco, though the engrained legend 
that the Unbeliever was the lawful prey of the Faithful died 
hard along the wilder shores of Barbary. For apart from 
the long-continued robberies by the Eiffians, and the plunder 
and enslavement of shipwrecked mariners on the coast of 
Sus, and the eastern littoral of Tunis, which continued 
until a very late date,* a spot so near Tangier as Cape 
Spartel, where there is now a lighthouse, was a dangerous 
locality only sixty years ago. Indeed, it was then and for a 
long time subsequently perilous to wander far out of sight 
of the military escort still — j)ro forma — sent with travellers, 
in case some tribesmen should be lurking in the vicinity. 
Sir Arthur Brooke, writing in 1831, remarks that "the 
country Moors on all parts of the coast are constantly on 
the look-out for Christians, and instantly make prisoners 
of all who have either landed accidentally or have been 

^■'- In 1832, Sir Gi'enville Temple's yacbt was twice piu-sued by Greek 
and Turkish pirates hovering ofif the corsair-infested shoi'es of Tunis. 
But in 1889 I wandered unmolested among the Arab villages in the 
date-covered oasis of Gabes, where, until the marauders were awed by 
the French Army of Occupation, any traveller not well guarded would 
assuredly, if not mm-dered, have been stripped to the skin. To pass 
from Tripoli along the shores of the Lesser Syrtis, by Djcrba, " the 
Isle of the Lotos-Eaters," was perilous even for small bodies of troops, 
the Bedouins being bold to recklessness. 


shipwrecked. Parties that are occasionally formed, as 
ours was, to visit Cape Spartel, are even subject to this : 
and in one recent instance the lady of the English Vice- 
Consul, who had strolled to a short distance out of sight 
of the guard that attended her, was on the point of being 
made a prisoner of by a body of natives who surrounded her 
and her party, thinking they were alone, until undeceived 
by the timely appearance of the escort." A boat's crew 
who had landed the year before, narrowly escaped being 
marched to Fez, and were finally ransomed by the British 
Consul in Tangier; and still nearer our own time, the 
Highland Lad transport having been becalmed off Cape 
Spartel, an officer who went ashore, and incautiously pro- 
ceeded a little way inland, was surrounded and carried off, 
while his companions managed to reach their vessel under 
the fire of their pursuers. In spite of all the efforts of the 
British Consul-General nothing more was ever heard of 
him, so that the chances are he was murdered by his 
merciless captors. 

Changes All this is, however, very ancient history. 

^ Sncr*'° ^^^^ Moors no longer enslave the whites, and in 
PeUow's time. ^Qst parts of Western Morocco the Christian 
can travel without any danger of being held to ransom, or 
even of receiving worse treatment than a little rudeness 
from a boor or a little polite insolence from a Bashaw. 
Not a year passes without Fez, Mequinez, Morocco, and 
Wazan in the interior being visited by Europeans without 
the slightest mishap befalling them. No one now dreams of 
travelling in disguise, unless indeed he is anxious to excite 
the suspicion of the Moors that his proceedings are under- 
hand, or that he is afraid of them, when — not improbably 
— the traveller will be taken at his own valuation. As for 
any one journeying to Morocco city " disguised as a Jew," 
this would be courting insult, as a Christian is far more 


esteemed than a Hebrew; while the story about seeing 
Christian ears nailed to a post — which a recent tourist who 
went so " disguised " had the effrontery to declare he did — 
is so absurd, that we can only conclude that his power of 
distinguishing the ears of different nationalities must have 
been as powerful as was his capacity for being hoaxed, 
or of trying to hoax others. For never in the memory of 
man were such outrages committed, and to-day the main 
fear of the town Moors — unless a half-crazy Dervish 
cursing the Infidel dog be excepted — is lest they should in 
the remotest manner incur the vengeance of the Christian 
envoys at Tangier by molesting their fellow-countrymen. 
The Sultan is no longer aggressive, though as reactionary 
and hard to move in the paths of progress as ever. But 
so far from wishing to annoy the Nazarene, his ever-present 
dread is lest he should in any way embroil himself with 
these peppery folk, and, as a consequence, is sadly im- 
posed upon by the host of petty consular officials who, 
though paid nothing, manage to make a lucrative trade 
out of indemnities for injuries which were never inflicted, 
and by the sale of "protections " to knaves who buy them 
only to oppress others less fortunate. 

The days of the Sallee Rovers are also over, and the sole 
representative of the Moorish navy is now the El Ilassani, 
an English freight steamer, manned by a foreign crew — 
though, as there has been a difficulty over the payment for 
the vessel, at the hour of writing even this craft is doubt- 
fully the property of the monarch after whom it is named. 
The old pirate town seems given over to shoemaking and 
fanaticism. Europeans are not permitted to live either in 
it or in Azamoor, and an unknown Christian in exploring 
its dirty alleys is apt to get stones and bad language hurled 
at him with an emphasis which recalls the period when 
to " swear like a Barbary Pirate " was a proverb among 


seamen. A few rotting bulks recall the palmy days of 
piracy, and " anecdotes of the good old times form the 
staple of that languid conversation which goes on as the 
lazy citizens squat on their heels under the shade of the 
sea wall. The old Bashaw — who has now made his peace 
with Allah — just remembered seeing as a boy the last 
gang of Christian slaves marched through Eabat ; and 
Abdul ben Eeis — Abdul, son of the Captain — still recalls 
some of the joyous tales with which his father, the rover 
chief, entertained the family circle — years and years ago. 
In these degenerate times it pays better to save the ship- 
wrecked mariner than to enslave him, so that dozens of 
stalwart fellows who when the century was young would 
have been doing a brave business on the high seas, point 
with honest pride to the medals they have won in rescuing 
" Eoumi " * from the waves. 

With Christian slavery departed also the chief motive for 
renegadoism. Very few European Apostates now exist in 
Morocco, and without a single exception, of which I am 
aware, the hundred or so who are scattered over the country 
are generally of such seamy antecedents as to justify the 
Scotch characterization of a worthless scamp as a '' runni- 
gate." Most of them are either " forcats " escaped from 
the Spanish convict stations at Ceuta and elsewhere on 
the Morocco coast, deserters from the French army, or 
levanted criminals from Algeria and Spain. They are 
usually employed in various subordinate positions in the 
army, and the military band which discourses curious 
versions of familiar tunes when the Prince of True 
Believers appears in public includes numbers of these 
individuals. I know of no British renegade — the last and 

* " Roumi," or Romans, is tlie name applied to Cluistians by the 
Berbers or aborigines of the Barbarj States. The Arabs more 
generally term them " Nasrani," or Nazarenes. 


the most respectable of the order, a Scotchman, who 
lived at Eabat, much esteemed for his intelligence and 
honourable conduct, having died two years ago. Were 
the history of these turncoats fully known, the story of 
their lives would be a curious chapter in the annals of 
human nature. One of the most romantic of these tales 
was that of an old white-bearded man who, when the 
French Military Commission first entered Fez in 1877, was 
seen silently and sad-eyed, supported by two attendants, 
contemplating a uniform with which in days gone by he 
was very familiar. This aged renegade was known as Abd- 
er-Rhaman ; but his christened name was Count Joseph de 
Saulty, formerly a lieutenant of engineers in the Army 
of Algeria. In a weak moment he eloped with his com- 
mandant's wife, and remained in Tunis until she died. 
Then becoming painfully conscious of the grave position in 
which he was placed as a deserter from the colours, he 
passed into Morocco, changed his faith, and as a military 
adviser of the then Sultan, whose name he took, rose high 
in the imperial favour, and had his advice been listened to 
might have saved Morocco from the disaster of Isly. He 
died in 1881, and is buried at the gates of Fez in the ceme- 
tery of Sidi Bou Bekkr el Arbi, though so thoroughly did he 
put the past behind him, that his son, now occupying a high 
position in the Court, is entirely ignorant of any language 
except Arabic. Another renegade of note was the English 
oflBcer still remembered as " Ingliz Bashaw," under whom 
Muley El-Hassan, the present Sultan, learned the art 
of war, and who was the first individual to impart any- 
thing like discipline to the Moroquin army. Why he came 
to Morocco is not known, and so jealously was his identity 
— like that of the Count de Saulty — kept dark, that iu a 
recent work by the Viscount de la Martiniere his real name 
is declared to be unknown. At this date there can be no 


reason for concealing that it was Graham ; and I have been 
told by those who have every reason to know that, like so 
many others who incur the jealousy of the Moorish digni- 
taries, he died of poison. 

The majority of the Apostates are, however, the vilest of 
rapscallions, in whom no trust is to be reposed, and who, if 
despised by the Moors, quite deserve the low esteem in 
which they are held. Yet even they are happily getting 
fewer, since by a recent treaty between Spain and Morocco 
all refugees from justice are to be mutually surrendered. 

Otherwise, Morocco is much as it always was. Justice 
is, as of old, bought and sold. Eoads there are none, 
except the rutty paths which droves of mules, and donkeys, 
and horses, and camels have worn in the course of ages. 
Oppression is the rule : fair play the exception, and the 
dungeons so horrible, that the first object of a governor is 
to immure in one of them some man wealthy enough to 
buy freely the privilege of getting out of this dreadful den. 
But though Maghreb Al Aksa— the " Furthest West " — 
has been styled " Un Empire qui croule," its stability is in 
its weakness. For being always supposed on the eve of dis- 
solution, the jealousy of the powers who wish to share in 
the scramble, but are not yet prepared for the war which 
would usher in that moral spectacle, renders the ever 
tottering throne of Muley El-Hassan rather safer than 
some which seem firmer "based upon a people's will." 
And so, we venture to think, the Emir-al-Mumenin will 
be wagging his beard in the sweet gardens of Fez, or 
Mequinez, or Marrakesch, long after many a crown has 
rolled in the dust of the Land of the Nazarenes. 







The Author ; youth and schooUng — He goes to sea — Is captured by 
the Sallee rovers and wrecked on the bar of the Bouragreb Eiver 
between Sallee and Kabiit — Escapes drowning only to become a 
slave — Is sent to Mequinez with the rest of his shipmates — They 
are attacked by the mob — They are taken before the Emperor 
Muley Ismail — The author becomes the slave of Muley Spha, the 
Emperoi-'s son — He is beaten in order to force him to change his 
reUgion — He " turns Moor," and is made an officer of the Emperor 
— He has a perilous adventm-e with the latter — His uncle dies — 
The cruelties of the Emperor — The temble punishments inflicted 
by him — The dreadful death of Larbe Shott, whose ghost appeared 
unto Muley Ismail. 

HE exceeding love and great compassion 
of God towards mankind in general, 
shows us how good, gracious, and 
merciful He is to all who love, fear, 
and steadfastly believe in Him, and 
His Son Jesus Christ, our Lord ; and 
how, of His great providence, He (contrary to all human 


imagination, and even our own expectations) bringeth the 
prisoner out oi captivity, as He hath, of His infinite mercy 
(in His own appointed time), delivered me, His poor unworthy 
servant, out of the hands of cruel and bloodthirsty men, 
after a long and grievous slavery, for the space of almost 
twenty-three years, in South Barbary, bringing me by the 
right way to the city where I dwelt, thereby delivering me 
from my prison and chains, and probably from ever- 
lasting death. For ever and ever blessed be His most 
holy name. Amen. 

In the eleventh year of my age, the second of the reign of 
our late Sovereign Lord King George the First, and of our 
Lord Christ 1715, 1 being at the Latin School in Penryn, in 
the county of Cornwall, and John Fellow, my uncle, being 
about to proceed on a voyage from Falmouth to Fowey, 
and thence for Genoa with pilchards, in the good ship 
Francis, Valentine Enes (then of Penryn), merchant, the 
owner ; and I by no means liking my so early rising, and 
(as I then thought) most severe discipline of the school, so 
far insinuated myself into my uncle's favour as to get his 
promise to obtain the consent of my parents for me to go 
along with him ; and which indeed he did, though not 
without much difficulty, they urging the hardships which 
probably I might, in my so tender years, undergo thereby, 
and their ominous fears of our falling into the hands of the 
Moors, who were then at open war with us, and had, as 
they saw by the newspapers, very lately taken some of our 
ships ; so that it was with the greatest reluctance and 
regret that I obtained their consent, which at last I did, 
and was soon rigged in my sailor's dress ; and after taking 
(as it proved) my so long, long farewell of my friends, our 
ship sailed from Falmouth to Fowey, where in a few days 
we completed our cargo ; and as soon as all other our 
necessary business was dispatched, we set sail for our 


desired port. Of which our voyage it cannot be expected 
I should give any particular account, as I had never been 
at sea before, and was entirely unacquainted with the 
method of keeping a journal ; but I well remember that 
I soon began to repent of my rash undertaking, and 
heartily wished myself back again, though even to be 
again sent to the Latin school, my uncle keeping me so 
close to my book that I had very little or no time allowed 
me for play ; and which, if I at any time presumed to 
borrow, I failed not of a most sm-e payment by the cat 
of nine tails ; so that by the time we got to Genoa I thought 
I had enough of the sea, being every day, during our voyage 
out, obliged (over and above my book-learning) to go up to 
the main-top mast-head, even in all weather. 

All which (though very irksome to me then) I now most 
gratefully acknowledge, and plainly see, was only intended 
for my good ; and had not our sad misfortune of falling 
into the hands of the Infidels, and our long unhappy 
slavery prevented it, my uncle would have certainly made 
me a complete sailor, as he himself was, by those who knew 
him, allowed to be ; but what God thinks proper should be, 
no human power can prevent. 

And now, indeed, the unhappy part of my life draws 
near. For having made our voyage, our cargoes out and 
in, and by God's providence bound home, we were off Cape 
Finisterre very unhappily surprised by two Sallee rovers, 
and, together with Captain Foster, of Topsham (after such 
small resistance as we could both make), taken and carried 
prisoners on board of the infidels, as was also the next day 
Captain Ferris of London, in a ship of much greater 
strength, having twenty men, eight swivel and eight 
carriage guns, though they behaved in the bravest 
manner, fighting ten hours, and with a noble resolution, 
putting the Moors off, after boarding them three times, 



and killing many of them; but being overpowered by a 
superior force they were also obliged to submit, and to 
become our comrades. 

It is impossible for me to describe the agony I was then 
in, being separated from my uncle ; he being, together 
with Briant Clarke, John Crimes, and John Dunnal (three 
of our unhappy men) confined on board one of the Sallee- 
teens, commanded by Ali Hacam ; and myself, with Lewis 
Davies, George Barnicoat, and Thomas Goodman, the 
other three (our whole number consisting but of eight 
persons) on board of the other, commanded by Elhash 
Abdrahaman Medune,* the Admiral of Sallee, where we 
were closely confined, and treated after a barbarous 
manner during the space of one whole month, which the 
infidels passed in looking sharp out after other prey, and 
in examining into the value of our cargoes, according to 
our several invoices and bills of lading, the prizes being 
sent to Sallee for better security, and to leave them at more 
liberty to encounter others during the time of their cruize ; 
but seeing no likelihood of any more prizes, and their 
provision growing short, they followed the prizes, and 
found them safe at anchor on the outside of the bar of 
Sallee ; when, on a signal from the shore of there being 
water enough on the bar to carry them over, the prizes 
were ordered to weigh, and got all well in, the Salleetens 
casting anchor without till the next day; when, about 
noon, the infidels being in their jollity, were all on the 
sudden in an extreme hurry on their discovery of a sail 
standing right in from sea upon them, they crying out, in 
great confusion, " Garnoe ! Garnoe!" meaning thereby 
Captain Delgardenoor,t who they knew then commanded 
a British man of war of 20 guns on that station ; and as 
they feared so it proved, for it was Garnoe indeed ; but, 
* El Hadjj Abd-er-Ealiman Medune. f Note 1. 


alas ! too late for our assistance. Medune weighing his 
anchor, and Ali Hacam slipping his cable, they ran both 
aground on the bar, Delgardenoor following so near them 
as in safety he might, some of his shot flying about them, 
and some of them far beyond them, insomuch that they 
were both, through means thereof, and a great sea, soon 
beat to pieces ; and almost every one that could swim 
swimming for his life ; but, for my part, I could swim but 
very little, and which, had I attempted, the merciless sea 
must soon have overwhelmed me ; so I cried to Lewis 
Davies, who I knew could swim very well, for assistance, 
though from him I could get none, he saying (and very 
truly) " that all his strength was highly necessary towards 
his own preservation ; and that should he take me on his 
back, it would in all likelihood loose both our lives ; where- 
as by his throwing himself into the sea disentangled, and 
I getting on the mast (which was cut down), it might be 
a means of preserving both of us ; " and which, through 
the wonderful and ready help of Almighty God assisting 
(He having ordained us for larger and more grievous trials 
and sufferings), accordingly happened : Davies committing 
himself to the waves, and I myself to the mast, from 
which I was taken by some people in a boat from the 
shore. As for the Moors, they were under no appre- 
hension of danger from the sea, leaping into it and 
swimming to shore like so many dogs. 

It may easily be imagined what sad terror and appre- 
hension I was under in so dangerous a situation; for 
though I could see nothing else by being delivered from 
death than the more grievous torments in my becoming a 
slave, &c., yet did I endeavour all in my power to avoid it, 
and save myself. 

Being now all safely landed, we are in a very low and 
feeble condition conducted to two separate prisons ; myself, 


Lewis Davies, M. Goodman, and Briant Clark, with divers 
others of Ferris's men, in all twenty-six, to New Sallee,* 
and my uncle, John Dunnal, Thomas Cremer, and George 
Barnecoat, with seventeen Frenchmen taken in other 
ships, and the rest of Foster's and Ferris's men, twenty- 
six more, to old Sallee, and for three days closely shut up 
there, and our allowance by the Moors nothing but 
bread and water, though I must thankfully own that we 
met with some better refreshment through the goodness of 
some French and Irish merchants residing there, which 
was to us in our so weak and disconsolate condition of very 
great service. 

On the fourth day we were all, in number j&fty-two, 
taken out thence and sent prisoners to Mequinez ; some 
being put on mules, some on asses, and some on horses ; 
on one of which my uncle and I were mounted together. 
We travelled the first day to Lorshia, being obliged in our 
way hither to pass through the woods of Sallee, which were 
plentifully stored with most stately timber trees, of oaks, 
and vast quantities of wild hogs, lions, tigers, and many 
other dangerous creatures. The second day to the Kiver 
Teffifille, though by some called Teliffla, in the province 
of Wolelsager ; the third to Darmulsultan ; and the fourth 
about sunrising (it being about three miles' travel into 
Mequinez), all the way lodging in tents, as being in that 
part of the country the only habitations, and which are at 
the discretion of the people removed from one place to 
another. At our arrival to the city, or rather indeed 
a mile before we reached it, we were commanded to get 
off our beasts and to take to our English shoes (that is to 
say, as many of us as had any), and to put on yellow 
pumps which were brought to ust by the Moors for that 
purpose; and at our entrance into the city we were met 
- Note 1. t Note 2. 


and surrounded by vast crowds of them, offering us the 
most vile insults, and they could scarce be restrained from 
knocking us on the head ; and which I verily believe they 
would certainly have done had not the Emperor's guards 
interposed ; though even they could not, or at least would 
not, hinder them from pulling our hair, and giving us 
many severe boxes, calling us " Caffer Billa Oarosole,"* 
which signified in English that wo were " Hereticks," and 
knew neither God nor Mahomet. 

About eight o'clock we all got to the Emperor's palace ; 
where, before we entered, we were first obliged to take off 
our pumps, passing barefoot in at a gate called " Bednam 
Sorelelg," or the "Eenegado's Gate," t a Eenegado Spaniard 
being its keeper ; and thence through two other gates, viz. 
" Bebliashey, Benauma," or, as by others called, " Bebfee- 
lello " and " Bebaurbashyoub," I which brought us into 
" Dareb Bastion " where Muly Smine,§ or Ishmael, the old 
Emperor, was, who received us from the hands of the Sallee- 
teens, giving Ali Hacam, in exchange for every one of us, 
fifty ducats ; but out of this was paid back again one-third, 
and a tenth as a customary tribute ; and Medune, the 
Admiral, for not fighting Delgardenoor, had the very 
extraordinary favour bestowed upon him of losing his head. 

And now are we ordered to be separated as follows, viz. 
myself, Eichard Ferris, James Waller, Thomas Newgent, 
and three other boys taken in a French ship, sent to the 
Kubbahhiatin,|| or place where the tailors work, and the 
armoury is kept, and where we were directly employed in 
cleaning the arms. All the fore-mast men, save two, who 

■■' Kafir b-Illah tvas rasool iu better Maghrebin Arabic. 

t The Apostates' Gate, Bab-Mancoor el dlj. 

\ Bab-liasbey, Benauma, or Bab-seelello and Bab-aur-basbyoub, 
seems the proper spelling. 

§ Note 27. The Dareb-Bastion seems, Mr. Meakin thinks, the 
Dar el-Bastyoon. || Note 2. 


were wounded, were put to hard labour ; and the captains, 
with the two wounded men, to the Spanish convent; 
whence, after some short exemption, they were put to hard 
labour also ; and, after some little time, again exempted, 
and sent to the house of one Mr. Ben Hattar,* a Jew, in 
a place called the Judaiary [or Mella], he having procured 
this of the Emperor ; and, as everything relating to our 
affairs passed through the hands of him and his agents, 
it was, no doubt, very much to his advantage. 

After some time, I was taken out of the armoury, and 
given by the Emperor to Muley Spha, one of his favourite 
sons (a sad villain), born of his wife AUoabenabiz,! by 
whom he had in all ten children, viz., seven sons and three 
daughters. My business now, for some time, was to run 
from morning to night after his horse's heels; during 
which he often prompted me to turn Moor, and told me, if 
I would, I should have a very j&ne horse to ride on, and I 
should live like one of his best esteemed friends. To which 
I used to reply, that as that was the only command wherein 
I could not readily gratify him, I humbly hoped that he 
would be pleased, of his great goodness, to suspend all 
future thoughts that way, for that I was thoroughly 
resolved not to renounce my Christian faith, be the conse- 
quence what it would. Then said he, in a most furious and 
haughty manner, " Prepare yourself for such torture as 
shall be inflicted on you, and the nature of your obstinacy 
deserves." When I humbly entreating him, on my knees, 
not to let loose his rage on a poor, helpless, innocent 
creature ; he, without making any further reply, committed 
me prisoner to one of his own rooms, keeping me there 
several months in irons, and every day most severely 
bastinading me, and furiously screaming in the Moorish 
language, " Shehed, Shehed ! Cunmoora, Cunmoora ! " 

'•' Hyatn. f Lalla ben Abiz. 


in English, " Turn Moor ! turn Moor ! " * by holding up 
your finger. Of which cruelty my uncle hearing, he came 
one day, and with him one John Phillips, to see if it might 
be in their power to give me any relief ; and which indeed 
was not, although they very heartily endeavoured it, 
gaining nothing by their so very kind and Christian-like 
intention, but many severe blows on themselves, and on 
me a more frequent repetition of them than before. 

And now is my accursed master still more and more 
enraged, and my tortures daily increasing ; insomuch, 
that had not my uncle, and some other good Christians 
through his means, notwithstanding his so late ill usage 
and repulse (even to the extreme hazard of their lives), 
privately conveyed me some few refreshments, I must have 
inevitably perished, my prison allowance being nothing 
but bread and water ; so that I was, through my severe 
scourging, and such hard fare, every day in expectation of 
its being my last ; and happy, no doubt, had I been, had 
it so happened ; I should certainly then have dy'd a martjr, 
and probably thereby gained a glorious crown in the 
kingdom of heaven ; but the Almighty did not then see it 
fit. My tortures were now exceedingly increased, burning 
my flesh off my bones by fire ; which the tyrant did, by 
frequent repetitions, after a most cruel manner ; insomuch, 
that through my so very acute pains, I was at last con- 
strained to submit, calling upon God to forgive me, who 
knows that I never gave the consent of the hearty though 
I seemingly yielded, by holding up my finger ; and that I 
always abominated them, and their accursed principle of 
Mahometism, my only trust and confidence being firmly 
fixed on Him, and in the all-suJBficient merits of His only 
Son Jesus Christ, my Saviour. 

* " Testify! Testify ! " This is in the Lingua franca, not in pure 


I was kejDt forty days longer in prison, on my refusing 
to put on the Moorish habit ; but I at length reflected, 
that to refuse this any longer was a very foolish obstinacy, 
since it was a thing indifferent in its own nature, seeing 
I had already been compelled to give my assent to Ma- 
hometism. Therefore, rather than undergo fresh torments, 
I also complied with it, appearing like a Mahometan ; and 
I make no doubt but some ill-natured people think me so 
even to this day. I pray God to forgive them, and that it 
may never be their mishap to undergo the like trials ; 
and which, if it should, that they may maintain their 
Christian faith no worse than I did mine. 

I was now delivered once more from my prison and 
chains ; and, at the command of the Emperor, put to 
school, to learn the Moorish language, and to write 
Arabick ; and in the latter I should have certainly been a 
tolerable proficient, had not my master's insolence, and 
violent death by the Emperor's orders, prevented it ; for 
after being with him about three months, during which 
he had often called me Christian dog, and most severely 
beat me, it coming to the Emperor's ears, he was by his 
order instantly despatched, by tossing him up, and so 
breaking his neck. 

After this, I was put no more to school to learn the 
language, but immediately into the hands of Emhamenet 
Sageer, whose business was to train up and instruct youth 
how they should speak and behave before the Emperor, 
and in the war ; he having for such purposes under his 
care about six hundred boys ; and with whom I had not 
been above a fortnight, before I had the charge of eighty 
of them committed to me, I being made their Alcayde,* 
or captain, to see they kept clean the walks (during all 
intervals from exercise) in the Emperor's garden, where 

* Al Kaid. 


he and his favourite Queen Hellema Hazzezas (in English 
the beloved) were used to walk. In this station I had 
not been but a very little time, when the Queen coming 
one day into the walks, before I. had the power to hide 
myself in a little house set there for that purpose (and 
which, at her approach, we were commanded always to 
do), happened to see me, and the next day begged me of 
the Emperor, which he readily granting, ordered us imme- 
diately out one by one, till she should see the same person ; 
and after the first, second, and third were presented, and 
turned back again, he ordered their captain to appear, 
when I instantly appeared, and the Queen'saying I was the 
same she would have, I was forthwith given her, and by 
her again to her favourite son Muly Zidan, a youth of 
about eight years of age, and then resident with his mother 
in the palace of Sherrers ; where she, with thirty-eight of 
the Emperor's concubines, and several eunuchs, were 
closely shut up, and to which I was made chief porter of 
the innermost door, that is to say, of the door next without 
that of the entrance into the galleries leading to the several 
apartments, and where none could gain admittance, but 
through me; as indeed none were to be admitted, the 
Emperor only excepted, nor him neither, in case he should 
offer to come, without giving notice, at an unseasonable 
hour ; as once indeed he did, and though he had gained 
admittance in at the several outer doors, yet was he by 
me denied ; for how could I tell it was him, when he was 
on the one side, and I on the other, of a thick door close 
shut ; and allowing, as by his being let in at the several 
outer doors, and his usual way of knocking, I might have 
very little reason to doubt it, and which might likewise 
have induced me to open it, yet, what did that signify to 
me, when I had positive orders before (as no doubt had 
all the rest) to admit none after such an hour, without 


being before advised of it, and of some certain signs to be 
given accordingly on the outside of the door ; and further, 
my orders were, that in case any one should attempt to 
enter at such an unseasonable hour, and not immediately 
depart after his first and second knocking, and denials of 
entrance, but should presume to knock a third time without 
giving the signs as aforesaid, I should then fire through 
the door — as indeed I had now an occasion to do. 

The Emperor being admitted, as aforementioned, in 
at the several outer doors, and knocking at mine, I de- 
manded aloud, "Who was there?" to which I was 
answered, " Muly Smine " ; and which, indeed, by his 
voice and usual way of knocking, I was pretty well assured 
it was. However, I told him that I very much doubted 
it ; for that I had never known His Excellency to come at 
such an unseasonable hour, without my being pre-advised 
thereof; and which, as I then was not, he should at his 
peril be gone, or I would present him with half a dozen 
bullets through the door, which he prayed me not to do, 
for that it was actually himself, and that if I would not 
let him in, he would certainly chop off my head the next 
day, knocking again louder than before ; but, on the 
contrary, if I would admit him, he would give me such a 
fine horse (calling him by his name), with all the rich 
furniture belonging to him, and would make me a great 
man. I told him I would not do it if he would give me all 
the horses and furniture in the empire ; for that as I was 
entrusted and commanded by the renowned Muly Smine or 
Ishmael, the most glorious Emperor in the world, to keep 
that post inviolable against all impostors and intruders 
whomsoever, and as I had but too much reason to believe 
him such, I would not on any terms open the door, be the 
consequence what it would, being thoroughly resolved not 
to betray my trust ; therefore it was in vain for him any 


longer to persist. When he changing his note from rewards 
to threats, and knocking again, I fired all the bullets which 
I had ready by me in a blunderbuss, quite through the 
door, which indeed (he keeping himself close on one side, 
as I before imagined) could in nowise hurt him ; and on 
his seeing my so resolute resistance, and no likelihood of 
his admittance, he returned as he came, highly threaten- 
ing me for keeping him out, and as much commending 
those at the several outer doors for their so readily letting 
him in, assuring us that we should on neither side lose our 
reward ; and indeed we did not, being very early in the 
morning all ordered out, and all those who gave him ad- 
mittance had some their heads cut off, others cruelly used ; 
and myself, after being highly commended for my fidelity, 
rewarded with a much finer horse than that he offered to 
give me in case I would betray my trust. 

This palace of Sherrers is a very large spacious building 
(as indeed are all the Emperor's houses), and certainly 
prodigious strong, the walls twelve feet thick, and five 
stories high, built only of fine earth and hot lime, mixed 
and well incorporated by a vast number of slaves kept 
for that pm'pose ; for it is thrown, as I may say, 
into a mould, being first boarded up on each side, so 
that being very well rammed together, it becomes, in a 
very little time, harder and more durable than stone.* It 
is covered on the top with blue tiles, ceiled in the inside, 
and finely painted, and hath in it several hundred separate 
apartments for his concubines and eunuchs, besides those 
set apart for his favourite queen and her retinue. All his 
other wives (in number no less than four thousand) being 
closely shut up in several other sumptuous houses allotted 
for them ; though all, as I may say adjacent, and all 
■within the same enclosure.! 

- Tabia. i Note 3. 


My lodging was between the inner door before mentioned 
and that of the entrance into the galleries, leading to the 
several apartments ; my companions six boys, and two 
young lions about half grown, being reared up there from 
whelps ; but becoming unruly, their removal was desired, 
and complied with. 

Now am I, after my hard keeping, again become in pretty 
good plight, being allowed very good eatables, as beef, 
mutton, and cuscassoo (of the nature of which I shall 
speak by and by), I having in a manner now nothing else 
to do than to eat my meat, and be careful of my young 
master's and the Queen's motions, and especially those of 
the latter, who I found was about to cut me out some new 
work ; so that I was obliged to walk like one walking on 
the brink of a dangerous precipice, whence, should he 
happen to make but the least wry step, he is sure to 
tumble down and break his neck. The Queen, in short, 
being extremely amorous, and the Emperor no less jealous 
of her, which really made my condition very dangerous, 
and might through some unforeseen accident (let my 
behaviour be never so innocent), happen to prove of very 
bad consequence to me, therefore I thought it highly 
prudent to keep a very strict guard upon all my actions. 

I now was strictly charged by the Emperor, on pain of 
losing my life, to visit my uncle every day, he saying to 
me, in a loud and vehement tone, ** Cossam billa illamattim 
Shea Culsbah Occulashea bus ede Ameck Woolastan cut- 
tarossick," * that is, ** If you don't go every day, morning 
and evening, to kiss your uncle's hand, by Allah I'll cut 
your head off. For if he were a brute," says he, "you are 
by nature obliged so to do." 

This, any one may suppose, as being the only command 

* Properly, Ela matimsliisld hal cliali wa hal as Jiiya amah 
thoosla ydu nnquatdlih rasek. 


my present inclinations could be best gratified with, did 
not at all terrify me, and therefore I forthwith most 
cheerfully put it in practice ; but, alas ! that pleasure 
was of a very short duration, he being, poor man, in a 
few weeks after taken off by a violent flux, as were a little 
before him Briant Clark, Thomas Crimes, and John 
Dunnal, three of our unhappy men; and I shall never 
forget my uncle's tender behaviour at the interment of 
the latter, where I and a great many other Englishmen 
happened to be. The corpse being brought to the grave, 
and no particular person appointed to read the Christian 
ceremony of burial, my uncle took it upon him, but 
indeed he was not able (through the abundance of tears 
flowing) to go through it, his speech being thereby to 
that degree obstructed, that he could only now and then 
utter a word imperfectly ; insomuch, that he was obliged 
to deliver over the book to another ; and never did I see 
such a mournful meeting, every one catching the con- 
tagion, and all standing for a considerable time in a dead 
silence, quite overwhelmed with grief. 

I am now to expect no further comfort by way of my 
poor uncle ; and though, indeed, I might not probably 
stand in so much need of him as formerly I had done, yet 
was it the sorest affliction I ever met with, and I could 
never put the remembrance of him out of my thoughts. 

Now it is my chief business and greatest concern to 
study how to oblige the Emperor, his dear HeUema, and 
my young master ; but the latter I confess I did not 
mind, though he was by nature cruel enough, and I had 
seen him, even in the seventeenth year of his age, kill his 
favourite black with his own hand, by stabbing him into 
the belly with a knife, and only for coming very acci- 
dentally where he was feeding a pair of pigeons, and 
their flying away for a few minutes. Yet, I say, I did not 


much mind him, as having much higher objects to observe, 
the Queen being in a particular manner kind, and often 
recommending me to the Emperor's good liking as a 
careful and diligent servant, as indeed I really was, so 
far as I thought might be consistent with my advantage 
and safety. But I thinking this service very precarious, 
and that I was every moment exposed, and in danger of 
her poison, or his sword, I humbly intreated her to desire 
the Emperor to find out for me some other employment, 
wherein I might be less suspected, and not altogether out 
of the way of obliging her; which she readily complied 
with, I being directly ordered by the Emperor to quit this 
dangerous office, and to wait on him at his palace for such 
future commands as should be by him enjoined me. A 
sudden and pleasing alteration indeed ; and though my 
new business might be attended with more masculine 
exercises, yet was I well satisfied that it could not be with 
more danger and uneasiness, of which I was very soon 
confirmed, I being strictly charged to be observant of the 
Emperor's commands only, and to wait on him on all 
occasions ; and when he pleased to ride out, I was 
generally mounted on the fine horse he gave me for my 
fidelity in maintaining my post at the door, always 
carrying at my girdle a club of about three feet long, of 
Brazil wood, with which he used, on any slight occasion, 
to knock his people on the head, as I had several times 
the pleasure of beholding. For, in short (although I did 
not know how soon it might have been my own fate), I did 
not care how soon they were all dead ; and indeed he 
was of so fickle, cruel, and sanguine a nature, that none 
could be even for one hour secure of life. He had many 
despatched, by having their heads cut off, or by being 
strangled, others by tossing, for which he had several very 
dexterous executioners always ready at hand ; but scarce 


would he on those occasions afford a verbal command, he 
thinking that too mean, and his words of more value than 
the life of the best of them, generally giving it by signs or 
motions of his head and hand ; as, for instance, when 
he would have any person's head cut off, by drawing or 
shrinking his own as close as he could to his shoulders, 
and then with a very quick or sudden motion extending 
it ; and when he would have any strangled, by the quick 
turn of his arm-wrist, his eye being fixed on the victims. 
The punishment of " tossing " is a very particular one, 
and pecuHar to the Moors. 

The person whom the Emperor orders to be thus 
punished, is seized upon by three or four strong negroes, 
who, taking hold of his hams, throw him up with all their 
strength, and at the same time turning him round, pitch 
him down head foremost ; at which they are so dexterous 
by long use, that they can either break his neck the first 
toss, dislocate his shoulder, or let him fall with less hurt. 
They continue doing this as often as the Emperor has 
ordered, so that many times they are killed upon the 
spot; sometimes they come off with only being severely 
bruised ; and the person that is tossed must not stir a 
limb, if he is able, while the Emperor is in sight, under 
penalty of being tossed again, but is forced to lie as if he 
was dead; which, if he should really be, nobody dares 
bury the body till the Emperor has given orders for it.* 

The Emperor's wrath is terrible, which the Christians 
have often felt. One day passing by a high wall on which 
they were at work, and being affronted that they did not 
keep time in their strokes, as he expects they should, he 
made his guards go up and throw them all off the wall, 
breaking their legs and arms, knocking them on the head 
in a miserable manner. Another time he ordered them 

* Note 4. 

64 adventuhes of thomas fellow. 

to bury a man alive, and beat him down along with the 
mortar in the wall. 

Nor is the Emperor less cruel to the Moors, whem he'll 
frequently command to be burnt, crucified, sawed in two, 
or dragged at a mule's tail through the streets, till they 
are torn all to pieces. 

The most favourable death to die is by his hand, for 
then they only lose their heads, have their brains knocked 
out, or are run through the body, for which purpose he 
always has his lances ready, and is very dexterous at 
using them, seldom letting his hand go out for want of 

In the year 1721, during the time that Commodore 
Stewart was in Morocco as ambassador from England, 
the Emperor despatched, in the most cruel manner, Larbe 
Shott,* a man of one of the best families in Barbary, being 
descended from the old Andalusian Moors, and deserved the 
esteem both of his own countrymen and of us, with whom 
he had lived till the time of his imprisonment ; for he had 
been a considerable time in Gibraltar, as a pledge from 
the Bashaw to an English merchant, for the payment of 
money due for goods he had supplied the Bashaw with. 
Part of the crime laid to his charge was for going out of 
his country, and living in Christendom a considerable time, 
without the Emperor's knowledge, and having been 
friendly himself with Christian women, and often been in 
liquor. He was also accused of being an unbeliever, and 
one of those who have invited the Spaniards to invade 

These things being insinuated to the Emperor, after 

the usual manner of that court (where everybody has it 

in their power to do harm, but few to do good), brought 

this poor man to his end ; for early one morning he was 

* El Arbi Shat. 


carried before the Emperor, who (not allowing him any 
other trial, but giving way to his accusers, who said, "He 
was an unbeliever, and not fit to live ") commanded him 
to be sawed in two ; upon which he was immediately 
carried to the place of execution, which is at one of the 
gates of the town, and there tied between two boards and 
sawed in two, beginning at the head and going downwards, 
till his body fell asunder, which must have remained to 
have been eaten by the dogs, if the Emperor had not 
pardoned him ; — an extravagant custom, to pardon a man 
after he is dead ; but unless he does so, nobody dares bury 
the body. 

It was reported the next day after, that the Emperor 
dreamt Shott had appeared to him, and asked him, ** What 
he had done to deserve such usage ? " telling him, " There 
would be a time when God would judge between them 
both;" which gave the Emperor so much concern, that 
he sent to the place of his execution for some of the dust 
his blood was spilt on, with which he rubbed himself all 
over as an atonement for his crime.* 

^:= Note 5. 


Mr. Pellow is better housed and higher in favour — He dines more 
frequently off cuscassoo — How this dish is prepared — The misery 
of the slaves — The arrival of Commodore Stewart to ransom the 
English captives — The author, being excluded from the provisions 
of the treaty, is left behind — Cruelties of the Emperor — His 
character and the subservience paid him — The danger of antici- 
pating a remark — The drilling of marksmen — He gets married — 
How weddings are conducted in Morocco — He sets out on a 
military expedition — Curious advice from a Moslem — The march 
— At Sharroot — Kill hundreds of wild boars — He takes command 
of the castle (or Kasbah) of Tannonah — His lazy life during 
six years — He marches to Morocco city — Expedition into the 

MY lodging was now on the inside of the entrance into 
the palace yard, where were several sheds set up 
against the walls like pent-houses, though closer and well 
tiled overhead, very long and only just wide enough for 
one man to lie at length; and here, I say, I lodged, together 
with the Emperor's guards, so that I was always ready at 
hand even at a minute's warning, and whence I dared 
not to stir but at his approach or command, we having at 
the appointed times our meat brought us ; and for our 
dinner we seldom failed of the Moors' favourite dish, cus- 
cassoo, of which I just now promised to give a further 
account, I being really so far of the Moors' opinion as that 
I cannot but in every respect allow it truly deserving of 
their so very high esteem and commendation, for it is 
actually very good, grateful and nourishing, and is prepared 


after the following manner : first, they put fine flour into 
a large wooden bowl, then they pour thereon a small 
quantity of water, and keep continually shaking the bowl, 
till the water is drank up ; then they pour on more, and 
so continue to shake the bowl, till all the flour is come 
into small pellets of about the bigness of Nutmegs ; then 
they are put out of the bowl into another utensil like a 
cullender, which is made use of for straining the water off 
pease, beans, or anything else of the like nature, which, 
being put over the steam of a boiling pot or furnace, 
wherein are fowls and other meat boiling, in the nature of 
a cover, and another cover on the top of that. By the 
time the meat is well boiled, so are the shot or pellets 
(though indeed they call it baking), when they pour them 
out into a dish, adding thereto good store of butter, some 
salt, spices, and saffron, and then serve up the meat upon 
it. This, I say, is excellent eating, and is no doubt used 
by some in England and other countries as a regalio ; and 
was I of ability sufficient, I should often regale myself 
with it. At their meals they never made use of knives, 
forks, or spoons, every one putting in his right hand 
instead of a fork, and his first two fingers thereof extended 
instead of a spoon, all seating themselves in a ring on the 
floor, and the meat in the middle ; and in case any one, 
though unconcerned in this mess,fpassed by whilst they 
were at it, and did not put in his fingers and eat with 
them, he was accounted a very unmannerly fellow, all the 
company calling him " Caultsnab," which was as much as 
to say, without breeding or manners, though indeed they 
were not often guilty of this ill-manners. For my part, I 
could readily have excused them if they had. 

This cuscassoo of the Emperor's, as being to feed about 
nine hundred men, was brought out into the court in a 
cart upon wheels ; when, dividing ourselves into several 


companies of about seventy or eighty in a company, we 
had all our messes served out from the cart in large bowls, 
and set in the middle of us on the floor as before men- 
tioned, sitting as close round it as possible we could. 
Though I cannot say we had fowls, yet we did not want, 
in lieu thereof, for good store of beef and mutton, and 
which, instead of decently cutting, we with our hands 
hauled to pieces, two pulling one against another ; and 
any one first taking hold on a piece of meat, and another, 
his next neighbour, not taking speedy hold also on the 
same piece, it was accounted brutish. For as they are 
allowed at their meals the use only of their right hands, 
therefore if a man is not so assisted by his neighbour, 
whereby he may the easier separate it, it is reckoned the 
greatest injury that can be offered them ; and it is really a 
very dangerous way of eating, especially when people are very 
hungry, therefore they are generally attended, during that 
time, by several persons with clubs in their hands, in case 
any should by chance swallow a piece too large for their 
gullets, and it should stick therein — which, through their 
greediness, often happened — and then one of those atten- 
dants gave the party a very hearty blow with his cudgel in 
the neck, by which means it was generally discharged either 
up or down, and, in case it was not, then they repeated 
the blow till it was. This did I often see, and have been 
as often diverted with it. 

About this time came Commodore Stewart, ambassador 
to Mequinez, with full powers from his royal master to 
treat with the Emperor for the so long desired redemption 
of the poor English captives. 

Here it will not be amiss to describe the exceeding 
weight of misery which our fellow-countrymen undergo 
who are so unhappy as to be made slaves in Morocco. 

The severest labour and hardships inflicted on male- 


factors in Europe are lenity and indulgence, compared to 
what many worthy persons undergo in this modern Egypt; 
even slavery at Tunis or Algiers is a state of repose and 
felicity to that in the Morocco dominions. At daybreak 
the guardians of the several dungeons, where the Christian 
slaves are shut up at night, rouse them with curses and 
blows to their work, which here is not repairing or rigging 
of ships, but more laborious, as it consists in providing 
materials for the Emperor's extravagant buildings, 
stamping earth mixed with lime and water, in a wooden 
box near three yards long and three feet deep, and of the 
intended breadth of the wall. Their instrument for this 
is a heavy wooden stamper. Others prepare and mix the 
earth, or dig in quarries for lime stones ; others burn 
them. Some are employed to carry large baskets of earth ; 
some drive waggons drawn by six bulls and two horses ; 
and, after the toil of the day, these miserable carters 
watch their cattle in the field at night, and in all weathers, 
as their life must answer for any accident. The task of 
many is to saw, cut, cement, and erect marble pillars, and 
of such who are found qualified, to make gunpowder and 
small arms ; yet does not their skill procure them any 
better treatment than those who, having only the use of 
their limbs without any ingenuity, are set to the coarsest 
works, as tending horses, sweeping stables, carrying 
burthens, grinding with hand-mills. Some have also in 
charge to manage the water-works, and inspect the aque- 
ducts. In all these so different departments the ignorant 
and artist are upon a level, very few instances excepted. 
They have all their respective guardians, taskmasters, and 
drivers, who immediately punish the least stop or inad- 
vertency, and often will fiot allow the poor creatures time 
to eat their bread, but, like Nehemiah's men, they must 
work with one hand, whilst they put their coarse morsel 


of bread into their mouths -with the other. After such a 
wearisome day, it frequently happens they are hurried 
away to some filthy work in the night-time, with this call 
in Spanish, " Vamos a travacho cornutos," i.e., " Out to 
work, you cuckolds," an appellation of the bitterest reproach 
among the Moors, except " Thou son of a Christian." But 
a circumstance more affecting than all these rigours is 
that men, created in the image of God, have been 
harnessed in carts with mules and asses. Their lodgings 
in the night are subterraneous dungeons, round, and about 
five fathoms diameter, and three deep, going down by a 
ladder of ropes, which is afterwards drawn up, and an iron 
grate fastened in the mouth ; and here they lay upon mats. 
Neither has their fare anything more comfortable in it, 
consisting only of a small platter of black barleymeal, 
with a pittance of oil per day. This scantiness has put 
several upon hazarding a leap from very high walls only 
to get a few wild onions that grow in the Moors' burying- 
place. The slaves usual habit is a long coarse woollen 
coat with a hood, which serves for a cap, shirt, coat, and 
breeches, and four pair of pumps for a year and a half, 
though lime and mortar, and their daily hard work, wears 
them off their feet in half the time. It is moderately 
computed that many Christian slaves have been suddenly 
killed by Muley Ishmael and other emperors merely out 
of wantonness, and sometimes finding fault with their 
dispatch, or manner of working, of which they could have 
no competent idea. If it be accounted an honour to be 
the sovereign's slave, like some others, it is very burthen- 
some, for they are not only harder worked when in health 
than those of private persons, but much more neglected in 
sickness — though of the care bestowed on the latter, it may 
with great propriety be said that the remedy* is worse than 

* Note 6. 


the disease. The only alleviation is, that the slaves are 
allowed to make brandy, and the Jews are taxed with the 
materials. This is owing to a notion infused into the 
emperors, that the Europeans would lose all their in- 
genuity and vigour without now and then a draught of 
that inspiring liquor. May that notion ever obtain there ! 
But experience shows us that the frequent use of spirituous 
liquors both enervates and stupefies. The Moors are ex- 
tremely cautious and artful in purchasing slaves, and, 
besides inveigling questions and cajolings, have many 
methods and tokens to judge what ransom a slave will 
yield, and accordingly will readily give some hundred 
pounds where all promising appearances occur ; but where 
the greater ransom is expected the usage is the worst. 
These exasperating sufferings have often prompted the 
slaves to make some efforts for liberty, but they have 
mostly terminated in miscarriages. Once a large dungeon 
was undermined, and great numbers in a fair way to 
escape, but a Dutchman, breaking his leg by a fall, and 
crying out with the anguish, they were retaken, and put 
to a torturing death for an example. 

Commodore Stewart was conducted to Mequinez from 
Tetuan by Hamet Ben Ally,* one of the Emperor's 
Bashaws ; in which embassy, the Commodore being a 
very able, well-accomplished, courteous, and indefatigable 
gentleman, notwithstanding his often meeting with very 
great insults and manifest dangers, managed his point 
so well, that in six weeks, or thereabouts, he procured the 
enlargement of all the English slaves (those under my 
unhappy circumstances only excepted), in number three 
hundred and one,t releasing them from their long servitude 

* Hamet ben Ali ben Abdallah. 

f The actual number freed was 29G. Of the 1,100 European slaves 
at Meqninez, 300 were English, " not including nineteen who had 
turned Moor.'' 


and chains, and conducting them to Tetuan, where he 
found shipping ready to transport them to their so long 
desired homes, there being then more than six years 
expired since they were first made prisoners, that is to 
say, those taken with poor unhappy me, who you may 
imagine could not be allowed to go with them, though I 
most humbly intreated it by all the means I could devise, 
all my solicitations being in vain, so that I was obliged 
to content myself to effect my deliverance by private 
escape when opportunity offered ; to which end the 
ambassador gave me very friendly advice, together with 
many other marks of his favour. 

I might here fill up a great deal by way of the several 
occurrences relating to the ambassador's entrance, be- 
haviour, usage, and return to Teutan, and,* in short, many 
other passages of moment, and which I very particularly 
remember; but as I am informed there is a book of it 
already printed, I shall not go about in anywise to inter- 
fere with it; Commodore Stewart being a gentleman of 
so much good observance, that mine might only prove to 
be a recital of it, or at least a dull tautology of the same 
things ; though I cannot again help saying, and which, no 
doubt, in that report is omitted, that he in every point 
behaved in so polite, most Christian-like, and majestic a 
manner, as not to derogate from, or lessen the trust 
reposed in him by his royal master, whose person and 
dignity he was to represent, and which I heartily wish 
had been so well performed by a certain gentleman! sent 
to Mequinez on the same errand about four years before 
him ; then had it in all likelihood prevented many aching 
hearts, and my poor uncle, with many other poor Christian 
slaves (who during that interval died there), had probably 
been still alive. 

* Note 5. f Admiral Delaval. 


I being now become, as I have already said, one of the 
Emperor's attendants, and always ready in obedience to 
his commands, in receiving him bare-headed and bare- 
footed at his entrance in, or at his going out of the palace, 
I having my head shaved every eighth day for that purpose ; 
and not only his guards treat him with this submissive 
respect, but his whole court, consisting of his great officers 
and alcaydes, assemble every morning about eight or nine 
o'clock, all barefooted, to know if the Emperor has been 
abroad (for if he keeps within doors, there's no seeing 
him, unless sent for), or if he's returned in a good humour, 
which is well known by his very looks and motions, and 
sometimes by the colour of the habit he wears, yellow 
being observed to be his killing colour ; from all which 
they calculate whether they may hope to live twenty-four 
hours longer. 

If the Emperor comes out, their necks are all held out, 
their eyes fixed on the ground ; and after this manner the 
crouching creatures pay their homage, and when they 
approach him, fall down and kiss the ground at his 
horse's feet. If he speaks, some swear by their god what 
he says is true ; others, at every pause he makes, cry out, 
** God lengthen thy days, my lord ; God bless thy life ; " 
which once occasioned an accidental jest, for he was 
saying, " May I be called the greatest of liars, if I have 
not always conceived a great esteem for the English;" and 
making a little stop at the word "liars," his officious court 
cried out, " Yes, by G — d it's true, my lord ! " 

If he comes not out, he sometimes sends for some of 
them ; at other times he has the door opened, and orders 
them all to pass muster, and they go one by one cringing 
by the door. If he only goes a little way out of the gate 
of his palace, they follow him on foot through the dirt ; 
and he is a great man, and esteemed a great favomite, 


•who advances as far as his stuTup ; and if he has occasion 
to send a message, though never so trivial, the best of 
them are ready to run, without respect to age, rank, or 
favour (even his favourite Hameda used to make his 
court this way), and return bespattered up to their eyes, at 
least all over their white drawers, and other garments 
which are white; nay, I have heard that Hamet Ben 
Haddu Attar (who was ambassador in England in King 
Charles the Second's time) was once surprised without his 
shoes, walking barefoot in a great deal of dirt by his 
horse ; and without regard to his age, or the pretence he 
had to his favour, was sent to the furthest part of the 
town in that condition. 

During all intervals from such my attendance, I was, 
together with the rest of the guards, generally exercised 
in shooting with a single ball at a mark, which was 
generally a red cap set on the top of a high piece of 
ground, distant about two hundred paces ; at which we all, 
to the number of nine hundred, and something more, fired 
together at the word of command, the Emperor so ordering 
it, thereby to make us the more expert, ready and dex- 
terous, in case of any warlike action, whereto we might 
happen to be suddenly called ; though for my part, I 
could never see who that person was that hit the mark, 
if hit at all. It was, I think, impossible for any to 
determine, though I must acknowledge it to be a very 
good way in training up soldiers to their making of close 
vollies ; yet, indeed, I saw at other places these firings 
single, and where the party was so lucky to hit it, he did 
not fail of a suitable reward. 

You may now perhaps imagine, that as I was altogether 
at the Emperor's command, I was quite excluded the 
sight and favour of the Queen ; which I was not, often 
receiving very valuable acknowledgments thereof, even 


from her own hands, and certainly through her means I 
hitherto fared the better with the Emperor. For, in short, 
she thought she could not oblige me enough, and therefore 
was over solicitous in an affair which I had much rather 
should have been let alone, and such as I thought she 
would never have urged or consented with herself to have 
put upon me, it being quite the reverse of my inclinations ; 
yet did she urge it, and obtain it, and was, no doubt, some 
time in bringing it about with the Emperor. 

One day, the Emperor being on the merry pin, ordered 
to be brought before him eight hundred young men, and 
soon after as many young women, who also instantly 
appearing (as being, no doubt, before ordered to be ready 
at hand), he told the men, that as he had on several 
occasions observed their readiness and dexterity in obeying 
him, he would therefore, as in some part of recompense, 
give every one of them a wife ; and which, indeed, he 
soon did, by giving some by his own hand (a very great 
condescension), and to others by the beckoning of his head, 
and the cast of his eye, where they should fix. After 
they were all coupled and departed, I was also called forth, 
and bid to look at eight black women standing there, and 
to take one of them for a wife. At which sudden command, 
I (being not a little confounded, as not at all liking their 
colour) immediately bowing twice, falling to the ground 
and kissing it, and after that the Emperor's foot (which 
is the custom of those who desire to be heard, as well 
as a very great favour and condescension to be permitted 
to do), humbly in treated him, if, in case I must have a 
wife, that he would be graciously pleased to give me one 
of my own colour. Then, forthwith sending them off, he 
ordered to be brought forth seven others, who all proved 
to be Mulattoes ; at which I again bowed to the ground, 
still entreating him to give me one of my own colour ; and 


then he ordered them also to depart, and sent for a single 
woman, full dressed, and who in a very little time appeared, 
with two young blacks attending her, she being, no doubt, 
the same he and the Queen had before particularly 
designed for me. I being forthwith ordered to take her 
by the hand and lead her off, which she holding out to me, 
I perceived it to be black also, as soon after I did her feet ; 
at which I started back, like one in a very great surprise, 
and being asked what was the matter, I answered him as 
before ; when he smiling, ordered me to lift up her veil 
(it being the custom of the country for women to go veiled) 
and look at her face ; which I readily obeying, found her 
to be of a very agreeable complexion, the old rascal crying 
out, in a very pleasing way, in the Spanish language, 
*' Bono ! Bono ! " which signifies, " Good ! Good ! " order- 
ing me a second time to take her by the hand, lead her 
off, and keep her safe. 

This artificial blackness of her hands and feet was laid 
on by a certain grass, first made into powder and mixed 
with water, alum, and the juice of lemons, and is called 
el bhenna, being brought from the river Draugh, about 
ten days' journey from Mequinez, and still further from 
TafQlet, and several other places.* 

At our coming out of the palace, we found her father, 
mother, sister, and sister's husband, ready to receive us 
(the latter being a man of very considerable authority, as 
having under his command one thousand five hundred 
youug men, who go under the name of " Kiadrossams," 
being all the Emperor's brothers-in-law, and are gener- 
ally at his call in the palace), and received us very 
courteously indeed, desiring me, as it was the Em- 
peror's pleasure to give me his sister, that I would 
always behave to her as a loving husband, so far as she 

* Note 7. 


deserved, and at the same time exhorting her no less in 
her duty to me. This we both readily promised to each 
other, and which was indeed by both of us as faithfully 
performed. Their next request being our acceptance of an 
apartment (as having none of our own) in this our 
brother-in-law's house, till such time as we were provided 
with one of our own which we as readily came into, and 
together with the old gentry went with them, though we 
were for the first night lodged in separate lodgings, 
as I suppose were the rest, being all first obliged to 
appear again the next day at the palace, there to receive a 
certificate from the secretary as a ratification or finishing 
stroke, and each couple fifteen ducats, each ducat 6s. 8d., 
making in all just £5 in English money, two thirds for the 
man and one for the woman, as the Emperor's bounty on 
such-like occasions, before our marriage could be com- 
pleted. Which being paid, and our certificates delivered, 
each man paying for them (as the secretary's fee) sixteen 
blankeels (pieces of money of about twopence in value each), 
we were all dismissed to make merry with our friends, and 
celebrate our nuptials. As I and my spouse were well 
accounted of amongst the better sort, we did not want for 
plenty of wedding guests, nor they for plenty of good 
eatables, I having pro\Tided, at my own charge (over and 
above that of my brother-in-law's) a fat bullock, four 
sheep, two dozen of large fowls, twelve dozen of young 
pigeons, 1501b. weight of fine flour, and 501b. of butter, 
with a suflficient store of honey, spices, &c. All which, our 
wedding holding three days, was clearly despatched with 
a great deal of mirth, and friendly satisfaction. Yet was 
it the soberest wedding you ever saw, for we had not, 
among all this great company, one intoxicated person, 
though they had all as much liquor as they would drink ; 
but such, indeed, as might sooner break their bellies than 


operate in their noddles, being only water ; wine being by 
their grand impostor, and great prophet, Mahomet, alto- 
gether forbidden. And though it is death by his law for 
any person discovered in drinking it, yet it is by some 
privately drunk, even to excess, there being great store, 
and very good in Barbary, besides what they catch from 
other countries. 

This short way of marrying his guards the Emperor 
frequently put in practice, by often ordering great numbers 
of people before him, whom he marries without any more 
ceremony than pointing to the man and woman and 
saying, " Hadi yi houd Hadi," that is to say, " That take 
That; " upon which the loving pair join together, and march 
off as firmly noosed as if they had been married by a Pope. 
He always yokes his best complexioned subjects to a black 
helpmate, and the fair lady must take up with a negro. 
But the Moors in general, who are not married by the 
Emperor's command, use a great deal of ceremony about it. 

When a man wants a wife, either his mother or some of 
his female relations must go a-courting for him (custom 
not permitting the man to visit the woman beforehand), 
and when the bargain is made, which is done before the 
Cady, or justice, the bride is to keep within for eight days, 
her friends coming to rejoice with her every day, and a 
Talb, or priest, also visiting her, and discoursing on that 
holy state ; they pin the basket with a religious hymn 
appointed for that purpose. The husband, with his 
friends, repeats the same ceremonies for five days before 
the consummation in a house which he has, or must take 
to bring his wife to. The last day the bride is put into a 
cage, covered with a fine linen cloth, and carried on men s 
shoulders to the house of her intended husband ; her 
friends, relations, and music going before. Her brother 
(if she has one) leads her into the house, where a room is 


appointed for her and the women ; the man remains also 
in his room with his friends. When the evening ap- 
proaches they are let loose by the company, and the 
bridegroom goes to his wife's apartment, where he finds 
her alone, sitting on a cushion of silk, velvet, or such fine 
things as they can borrow (if they have them not of their 
own) : underneath there's a silk quilt ; before her stands a 
little table, about a foot high, with two wax candles upon 
it. Upon her head she has a black silk scarf, tied in a 
knot, the ends hanging on the ground behind her ; her 
shift is made with large sleeves like the men's, and long 
enough to hang behind her like a train. Her vest is of silk, 
or velvet, buttoned close to her hands, and reaches to the 
middle of her leg, adorned with lace at the hands, and all 
over the breast. She has the same linen drawers described 
in the women's dress, and collars of pearl or fine stones, 
and (if she can get them) of lions' or eagles' claws tipt with 
silver ; in her ears she has great rings of gold or silver, 
and the same about her wrists and ankles, sometimes set 
with stones. Her slippers have thick soles made of cork, 
covered with gilt leather, and edged with the same, which 
is a mark of greatness among them, the Emperor and some 
few more wearing them. Her cheeks are painted with 
cochineal, which colours yellow at first, but being rubbed 
presently turns red ; with this they make one great round 
spot on each cheek. Their eyebrows are painted black, 
and continued quite round their temples, like a pair of 
whiskers. They also make some small black spots, in 
imitation of patches, near their nose and lips, a black snip 
on the end of their nose, and a black stroke, the breadth of 
a straw from their chin, reaching down below the pit of 
their stomach, and how much lower I can't tell, for there 
they begin to be covered ; they paint their eyelids and the 
sides of them with a black powder called Alchol [or anti- 


mony], putting some of the same into their eyes with a little 
stick ; the palms of their hands are all blacked, and from 
the top of their thumbs round the fleshy part is a black 
stroke, and one from the end of each finger to the palm ; 
their nails are dyed yellow ; they also have many fine 
scrawls of black on the top of their feet, and their toe-nails 
are likewise dyed yellow. 

Thus beautified, the bride sits behind the table mentioned 
before, with two wax candles upon it, holding her hands up 
the height of her face, with the palms turned towards her, 
about a foot distance from each other, and as much from 
her face, upon which she is to look, and not on her hus- 
band. After this follows some other customs such as are 
still practised to a certain extent in Spain, though they 
do not call for minute description here. It need only be 
remarked that the bridegroom is obliged to stay at home 
for seven days, and the bride a whole year, who is kept ever 
after so close from the rest of mankind, that not even her 
father or brother can have the privilege of a visit unless 
her husband is present. 

All the women paint after the manner before mentioned 
at their public meetings ; they are extremely handsome, 
and bred up with the greatest care imaginable in relation to 
their modesty ; the fattest and biggest are most admired, 
for which reason they cram themselves against marriage 
with a food called Zummith ; it is a compound of flour, 
honey, and spices, made into little loaves for that purpose. 

And now I am soon about to enter from the sports of 
Venus into the field of Mars, though indeed I had the com- 
pany of my wife by intervals for some years after ; for our 
wedding being ended, I was on the fourth day, or day 
after, ordered to prepare myself for my departure to a 
garrison in the province of Tamnsnah,* about six days' 

• Temsna. 


journey from Mequinez, whence (after taking leave of our 
friends) I and my wife set out the same day, accompanied 
by six hundred of those who were so lately married with 
us, three hundred of them being put under my command, 
and the other three hundred under the command of Musa, 
or Moses Belearge, a Spaniard, they likewise taking with 
them their wives. These six hundred men were of different 
nations, French, Spaniards, Portuguese, and Italians, but 
not an Englishman amongst them, except myself. Bashaw 
Hammo Triflfoe (half Spaniard and half Moor), Commander 
in Chief of that province, with two thousand men, went 
also with us, and being obliged to take with us a priest, 
the Emperor commanded me to find one, if possible, who 
was both blind and deaf, that if in case any of us should 
happen to take a cup of wine (as being used thereto in our 
own respective countries, and therefore might the sooner 
do 80 in his) he might not be capable of taking notice of 
it ; for, added he, " though I will by no means encourage 
it, yet should I much rather be excused from receiving any 
complaints of that nature, whereby to give them any 
uneasiness." Though I made the best inquiry I could, yet 
I could by no means meet with such a one ; therefore I 
recommended to him my wife's uncle, a seeming honest 
man, and one who was approved of by the Emperor, and 
by us as joyfully received. Then after being strictly charged 
to reside the first month at the castle of Tamnsnoe,* and 
the next at Stant, so as each garrison might have him by 
turns every other month, he cheerfully travelled on with us ; 
and though he could both see and hear very well, yet was 
I under no apprehension of his giving the Emperor any 
uneasiness on our account, I having before seen him to 
drink wine in a plentiful manner. 

We are now (women included) 3,206 on the road, all 

* Tanisna. 


well mounted, the men on fine horses, which, as they are 
so famous for goodness, it will not be improper to say 
something of the Moors' method of managing them. The 
Moors take a great deal of pride in their horses, and order 
them after a very different manner from us ; they back 
them generally at two years old, and shear their manes 
and tails till they come to six, thinking that makes them 
strong. At grass they tie sometimes the two fore feet 
together, at other times a fore foot and a hinder one. In 
their stables they have two iron pins drove into the ground, 
one before, and the other behind them, at the distance 
of about three feet from their legs, which are fastened 
together with ropes, like our traves, with which we teach 
horses to pace, but being short, they draw their legs 
together under their bellies, and two ropes come from their 
hind and fore feet, which are so tied to these pins that they 
cannot stir above one foot backwards or forwards. Their 
collar is also made fast to the pin before them, which has 
a ring for that purpose ; under them is a hole covered with 
pieces of timber to receive their water, and a little on one 
side a bed of sand, or sawdust, for them to lie upon. They 
have no mangers, but eat their straw or grass off the ground. 
All their horses eat grass in April and May, and, if it be 
a good year, great part of March ; at other times they eat 
straw instead of hay ; their barley is given them in a 
woollen bag, put over their heads. They are never dressed, 
nor their manes or tails combed, but when dirty are 
carried to the next running water and washed, and if they 
design to have them look fine, they use a little soap. Some 
will take it amiss that you touch a horse with the palm of 
your hand to stroke him, and say there is venom in that 
part which is hurtful to horses. They never crop their 
tails or ears, nor geld them, for they like no maimed 
creatures but eunuchs for other reasons. 


They have one sort which they call ** Noble Horses," 
who bow their heads about at the approach of a man. 
Their love is so great for horses, that not only they are one 
of the three things for which the Moors have a proverb, as 
most esteemed, viz., !* A horse, a woman, and a book," but 
they keep even the genealogies of them for two or three 
hundred years, and are nice in distinguishing the true from 
the mixed generations. They have a base way of shoeing 
them, cutting off the fore part of the hoof, and forming the 
shoe into a triangular shape, with the two points almost 
meeting at the heel, which points are made very thin, and 
after the shoe is fastened with three nails on each side are 
beaten as flat to the hoof as possible ; but some time ago 
the Emperor issued out an order that upon pain of death 
all horses should be shoed with round shoes, a certain Turk 
having persuaded him that was the best way. 

Thej' are not subject to distempers, and the Moors (as 
Windus puts it) know not what you mean by a farsey 
or glander, nor have I ever seen a spavin or mullender. 
As for the Berebbers in the mountains, they never shoe 
their horses ; and their feet are certainly firmer than ours, 
for a horse went to Tetuan from the camp, and came back 
the next day, without a shoe, which is fifty miles, and not- 
withstanding he was forced to cross a mountain full of 
rocks going and coming, not being able to pass the low way 
for a river, it was not perceived he had the least crack in 
his hoof, or made any complaint of his feet. Their horses 
live to a great age, and are very fresh at fourteen or fifteen, 
the reason of which seems to be their going so gently on 
the road, where they seldom are put out of a foot-pace, but 
when they exercise the lance they make them bestir them- 
selve to some purpose. * 

Our women rode on mules, and we got that day to the 
=<= Note 8. 


river Bate,* about five leagues, the second day to the 
castle Cassabjibbadjt the third to an old ruined castle 
called Phinseera, I and the fourth to the walls of Sallee, 
Hammo Triffe and his people encamping and remaining 
without three days, during which us new-married people 
had the liberty to go into the town, were lodged there, and 
most sumptuously feasted by the Emperor's order, as 
indeed were the Bashaw's men in their tents, there being 
great quantities of provision of all sorts carried out for that 

The next day we again set forward, and got to Sharrot, 
all the way being very wood}-, and plentifully stored with 
wild hogs, and of them we killed some hundreds, which, 
perhaps (as their flesh is by the Mahometan law forbidden), 
may be imagined was either for pastime or antipathy, yet 
had we another reason, viz., by way of revenge on a very 
large boar assaulting the Bashaw, and killing his horse 
under him, though the beast instantly lost his own life by 
it. These boars, and especially those of a middle age, are 
very dangerous creatures, having very long tusks as keen 
as knives, and which, with the very great force and fury they 
execute their intention with, will rip up anything as soon. 
The tusks of the old ones generally turn up like a ram's 
horn, so that they cannot so well bring them to do mischief 
suitable to their rage. Here are also great plenty of lions, 
tigers, wolves, &c. However, we saw none of them that 

Sharrot is a river discharging itself into the sea about 
seven leagues to the southward of Sallee, and plentifully 
stored with many sorts of very excellent fish ; and fording 
it the next morning we got that day to Gaebedad,|| where 
are laid up for that part of the country the Emperor's 

* Beth. f Kasbah Jbad. J Fnsira. 

§ Note 9. il Gabdad. 


stores of corn, which the Moors have a way of preserving 
without damage for a hundred years together by putting it 
into pits, plastered within and over the mouth when they 
are full. The next day, at ten in the forenoon, we got to 
the castle of Tamnsnah, where I, by the Bashaw's order, 
immediately entered with two hundred of my men and our 
wives, the old garrison marching out to make room for us ; 
and my other hundred men were sent with their wives to 
Bevash,''' another castle about three days' march from 
thence, to be commanded by a deputy of my own appoint- 

At my entrance into the castle, I found all things pretty 
much in disorder, there being almost a general want of 
everything, for what the old people had they carried (or 
at least most of it) with them. However, these wants 
were, by the Bashaw's diligence (he remaining encamped 
without sixteen days), very plentifully supplied by sending 
us in provisions and stores enough for our subsistence for 
six months. This being done, he rose with his small 
army and departed, as I was informed, for Stant, a garri- 
son distant from thence about twelve leagues ; where after 
staying also about sixteen days, and settling Belearge 
and his men therein for the better security of the 
Emperor's stores of grain laid up there, he departed for 
the City of Morocco, of which he was the governor. 

Now have I and my comrades for some time nothing to 
do but to contrive ways and means how to divert ourselves, 
which we did after the best manner we could devise, living 
in an amicable manner and passing our time very 
pleasantly, here being to be our station for about six 
years, though I was several times, with some part of my 
men, ordered thence for the space of six or seven months, 
and thither again, and once of almost two years at a time. 

^' B abash. 


My first absence was about three months after my first 
arrival, when I received a peremptory command from the 
Bashaw to attend him with two hundred of my men as 
soon as possible I could, and to leave my other hundred to 
secure my several garrisons ; in pursuance of which order 
I drew out one hundred and fifty of my men, leaving the 
other fifty to take care of the garrison and the women, 
and immediately departed, and got that day to the castle 
of Stant, where I found my old friend Belearge was with 
a like number gone before me. The second day I marched 
to Geefaar, an old ruined castle, though well stored with 
water and many other necessary refreshments, both for 
man and horse ; and the third day, about noon, to my 
other castle of Broash, where I directly entered, and 
found my other hundred men and their wives very well, 
who received us very courteously ; and I forthwith drawing 
out fifty of them, which made my number complete, 
proceeded, and got that evening to Cedeboazzo, in the 
province of Talgror,* and the next to the river Tensift, 
whence very early the next morning, the Bashaw meeting 
us with good store of provision on the road, we were by 
him conducted, with fine music playing before us, in great 
pomp to the walls of Morocco, where I found my old 
friend Belearge with the rest of the Bashaw's army, 
encamped without the walls of the city, though as we 
had before, by the Emperor's orders, liberty to go into 
the town of Sallee, so were we now ordered to march 
together into Morocco, and there treated after like manner, 
with this difference only, the former being at the charge of 
the Emperor and this at that of the inhabitants, as indeed 
was also that of the whole camp. 

The city of Morocco is very well situated, and reckoned 
to be twelve miles in compass. It is said to have had 

* Note 10. 


formerly a hundred thousand houses in it, but since the 
kings of Morocco have removed their court from thence 
to Mequinez, it is greatly decreased, but its palace or 
castle is the stateliest of any in Africa, it being of a 
prodigious extent, some of the rooms of which have large 
fish-ponds in them, and the fishes may be seen swimming 
in the looking-glasses, with which the ceilings are covered. 
There are likewise in this city very fine gardens, and many 
ancient and well-built mosques. The famous aqueducts, 
which bring water to it from above forty miles, are a 
stupendous work. 

We rested seven days at Morocco, being ordered on the 
eighth early to march out and join the army ; when we all 
rose, and marched that day to the river of Wadden 
Enfeech, distance seven leagues, where we rested that 
night, and the next day to Mesmeath,* at the foot of a 
very high mountain, and where (on account of the inhabi- 
tants there and thereabout not having for some time back 
performed the payments of their wonted tribute) we 
settled our camp and rested fifteen days, during which, 
notwithstanding they had before our coming refused to 
pay it, yet did many of them at our approach, and 
especially Tolbtrammet Mesmeasoy,t the head and chief 
of that province, come to meet us ; and declaring to the 
Bashaw, after the most solemn manner, that he had no 
hand in the rebellion, as he understood had been basely 
and maliciously rumoured of him, the rebels having made 
use of his name for the better carrying on their wicked 
designs, he entreated that he would believe him innocent, 
as in reality he said he was, having never made the least 
advance that way, but, on the contrary, had done all in 
his power to prevent it, even to the extreme hazard of his 
life ; therefore desired he would not look upon him as an 
* Amezmiz. f Taleb Hamed Amezmizi. 


enemy to his country, but accept of the few presents he 
had brought him with as good a grace as they were offered 
by him with good will, and in all due obedience, being in 
truth those of one of the most loyal, most dutiful and 
obedient of his Majesty's subjects. These presents being 
somewhat considerable, as four very fine horses and 
furnitures, several Zurbees,* or Turbants, with a handsome 
purse of gold to usher them in, the Bashaw had not the 
heart to refuse. He likewise entreated the Bashaw to 
suffer him to send in provision for the army, which was 
also complied with, and plentifully performed during our 
stay there, with everything else in conformity to our 
demands. After a few days we rose and marched thence 
seven leagues further, along the foot of the mountain, and 
pitched our tents in the evening at Emsoeda,! keeping 
ourselves under arms for the first part of the night in 
great silence, and about midnight (drawing out six thou- 
sand men, our whole number being eight thousand, leaving 
the other two thousand to feed and keep safe our horses) 
we marched on foot up the mountain, where we had an 
account many of the malcontents had sheltered them- 
selves ; which being very woody, steep, and craggy, our 
horses could have been of no service to us, but rather a 
hinderance, and would have been a means of exposing us 
to be taken off separate from each other by the enemy in 
their lurking places before we could discover them. 

* Mr. Meakin suggests •' Erzez " (?). f 'Msida. 


The Emperor's troops sui-prise the castle of Ehiah EmbeUde, and 
take vengeance upon the rebels — The march is continued and 
the revolted towns reduced to submission —Touching divers little 
places — A new mode of defence — A city is taken by storm — Fire 
and sword — The return to Morocco with hostages and booty — 
The Fast of Ramadan — The punishment of a Queen who failed to 
" nick the time " — Her expiation in the way of bridges and 
golden balls — Mr. Fellow attempts the madcap freak of trying to 
steal the latter — The palace gardens and the death of Muley 
Ar'scid (Rescind) — The march to Mequinez, and a description of 
the intervening country — The amount of plunder brought back 
from the Expedition — Treatment of prisoners — An English 
executioner — The soldiers meet with their wives — Shooting and 
fishing — Feasts regardless of the law — Wild beasts and their ways. 

THIS being the month of February, wet, very cold, 
and the nights pretty long, the Bashaw marching at 
our head, we got under the walls of a castle called the 
castle of Ehiah Embelide, where we lay close, with strict 
silence and undiscovered, till sunrising. Then we saw 
several herdsmen and shepherds coming forth with their 
cattle, they being always at night secured within from the 
frequent incursions of the mountaineer Moors, and for 
fear of lions, tigers, wolves, and jackals, the sheep 
standing in as much danger from the latter as they do 
from the wolves, who are, in their voracious nature, 
sufficiently imitated by the jackals, of which there are 
vast numbers in Barbary. I had heard by several 
people in England that they were innocent though 


subtle creatures, and served only for procuring prey for 
the lion, by hunting before him, thereby to keep them- 
selves in his favour and from his paws, yet have I often 
seen them lay hold of an innocent sheep, and in a moment 
tear him in pieces, and have very often shot them for their 
pains and eat of them into the bargain. 

On these herdsmen's discovering us they instantly 
alarmed the castle, and no doubt to the great surprise of 
those -within, more especially when they saw us so near 
their walls, surrounding them so as they might not in any 
probability hope for escape ; yet did they prepare for 
defence, and fired upon us with small arms very briskly, 
but cannon they had none, no more than ourselves, killing 
in all but three of our men, we having got ourselves so 
close under their walls that they could not bring their shot 
to bear on us, we calling to them, " That in case they any 
longer resisted, and did not directly deliver up the garrison 
into our hands, we would put every one of them to the 
sword." To which we not receiving such satisfactory 
answer as we had expected, and having by that time 
almost finished three several mines at the foot of the 
castle wall, and of which those within were not the least 
apprised, we fired them all about one and the same time, 
making such breaches as were wide enough for twenty 
men to enter in a breast at each, and immediately began 
to pour them in. Upon which the rebels, being in a terrible 
fright, submitted to mercy, crying out for quarter, and 
humbly on their knees imploring pardon for themselves 
and families, assuring us that, on receiving clemency, they 
would make their future behaviour appear to be no less 
deserving of the Emperor's favour than those of the most 
observant of his subjects, alleging that they had been led 
astray by those higher up in the mountain, and whom, 
had they not come into seeming measures with, would 


then have destroyed them to a man ; therefore, said they, 
" revenge yourselves on them, and you shall soon see that 
we will not be backward with our assistance to subdue 
them." Notwithstanding this submission we killed eighteen 
of them, and amongst them the governor's brother and 
his brother's son, whose heads were cut off by the 
Bashaw's own hand, the latter being first obliged to 
drag that of his father's round the army by a rope fixed 
about his neck and to suffer a most cruel scourging from 
most of them, and then both their heads, with the edge 
of the Bashaw's sword, were set upon the castle gate ; 
at which the governor, as having five sons of his own, 
was no doubt in a most grievous agony, and kept still 
on his knees, desiring the Bashaw to believe him innocent, 
and by horrid and repeated imprecations of it declaring 
that he had no hand in that rebellion, and that his being 
there was more by compulsion than inclination, and that 
he hoped that he could not be accounted so stupid as not 
to suppose the Emperor would soon make reprisals on 
them, and that notwithstanding he had been so unhappy 
to father the fictitious name of governor, &c. Yet he most 
humbly hoped that the Bashaw would believe him and 
permit him to use his utmost efforts by way of reducing 
the remainder of the rebels who had compelled him to so 
undutiful a behaviour, and whereby he might not only in 
some measure make his royal master compensation, but 
our future proceedings by far less hazardous, for that he 
would directly send his messengers to acquaint them with 
his own present condition ; and in case they any longer 
persisted in their rebellion and did not directly come in, 
and with them bring in to him their respective tributes, he 
was ready to spend the last drop of his blood in subduing 
them. Then the Bashaw ordered him off his knees, and 
after some short private conference their countenances 


seemed to be on both sides more calm and serene ; and a 
general pardon was, to the general joy, proclaimed. On 
which many came in soon after with their presents and 
arrears, as indeed did all in those parts, saving only four 
little towns, which might contain in them about four 
thousand men that bore arms, lying on or very nigh the 
top of the mountain, then covered with snow and very 
difficult to get up, which retarded our march sixteen days ; 
when there falling a very great flood of rain, which 
washing the snow down the mountain, so that there 
appeared some likelihood of our being able to get up it^ 
though with great difficulty, we departed from the castle 
of Ehiah Embelide, taking with us the governor, and 
marched (or rather indeed climbed) up as fast as we could, 
and got to the first of the towns that evening, very 
sufficiently tired. However, we soon entered, but found it 
quite desolate, the inhabitants having all retired into the 
next town, at about half a mile's distance; which, as 
their neighbours were joined with them, was no doubt of 
more strength and security ; but the darkness of the 
night coming on apace, the Bashaw was determined not 
to attack them till the next morning. However, we 
carried off all we could find here, set the village on fire,, 
and retired to some distance, where we settled for the 
night in an open camp. About sunrising we took one of 
their spies, who had that night been out upon the scout,. 
and brought him before the Bashaw, who, after threaten- 
ing to cut off his head, told him that in case he would go 
directly into the town, and on his honour immediately 
return to him with their answer if they intended to deliver 
up the town without resistance or not, he would give him 
his life. On which, and the late governor of Ehiah 
Embelide's also vouching for the Bashaw's performance 
of his promise, he went in and soon returned with an 


answer to his message, and to challenge his pardon, 
telling them that the inhabitants would not on any terms 
surrender, but were resolved to fight it out, even to the 
last man. Which (said he) they told me they had before 
signified to the governor of Ehiah Embelide, by way of 
answer to his message relating to their coming in with 
their arrears ; that he was a dastardly fellow, and if he 
should happen to fall into their hands he should be the 
first sacrifice to their rage. The Bashaw finding what he 
had to trust to, ordered us directly to cut down and bind 
up a great quantity of large faggots or bavins, which, as 
I was then altogether a novice in affairs of that nature, 
I really thought were for no other use than burning. 
However, I soon saw my ignorance therein, and thought 
them to be a tolerable safeguard from the shot of the 
enemy, every other man taking one of them, and carrying 
it lengthways before him and his comrade, who was close 
at his back. Advancing after this manner till we got 
within half musket shot of their walls, and notwithstand- 
ing they kept a continual firing from the walls of the 
town upon us, yet did we not receive any damage thereby, 
but intrenched ourselves breast high in a very little time. 
About a dozen of our best miners and an engineer 
advanced with their pick-axes and other necessary im- 
plements even close under their walls, and immediately 
fell to work to undermine them. When they were to be 
relieved they retired going backward, carrying their bavins 
next their faces ; and a fresh set, on the contrary, advanc- 
ing, took their post. In the meantime the rest of us kept 
a continual fire, so that the enemy did not so much as 
dare to peep at those places of the walls where our people 
were carrying on their mines at the bottom. And though 
we were three days before we had finished them to our 
engineers' minds (there being in all three), yet did they 


never attempt once to sail}' forth, but suffered us to blow 
them up to our satisfaction, making such breaches as we 
entered all our men at in a very little time ; and in three 
hours (during which there was on both sides very bloody 
work) we put all of them (the women and children under 
ten years of age, and the man that carried in the Bashaw's 
message only excepted) to the sword. Then, after plundering 
and demolishing the houses and walls, and setting all we 
could not carry away on fire, we sat down before one of the 
other two, which we found to be also joined by their 
neighbours, and offering the like resistance, but they did 
not resist longer than three hours. Notwithstanding, we 
did not spare them, but cut them off also to a man ; and 
after plundering, demolishing, and burning this and their 
other deserted town, which was the last of the four, we, 
with our plunder of all kinds, as money, corn, butter, 
honey, raisins, almonds, and everything else of value, 
got to our trenches, where we soon found our error in so 
hastily destroying their houses ; for notwithstanding the 
weather was extreme cold, yet we were obliged, on account 
of our wounded men, to remain there for three days, and 
then marched down to the castle of Ehiah Embelide, 
having with us all their cattle, and our wounded men 
carried in hand barrows. We rested there three days, 
looking over our booty and receiving several others of the 
rebels who came in there. We then fell down into our 
camp, which we found unmolested, having still with us 
all the wounded and several surgeons to attend them ; 
and here we rested eighteen days, during which many 
others came in to us with their respective presents and 
arrears. We rose hence with our whole army, and 
marched along the foot of the mountain for about seven 
leagues, to Foumalcarroe,* a very large house in nature 
* Fum al Karoo. 


of a castle, situate on a river commanded by Kiadmonsor 
Boalroaeh,* who was at our approach ready with his 
presents and arrears, and received us in a most friendly 
manner, declaring he had no hand in the rebellion, main- 
taining our army three days, and bringing us in every 
day twice as much provision as we could all eat, and such 
part of the flesh as we could not then dispense with, was, 
after cutting it into small long pieces of about two fingers 
length, salted and laid on our camels as we travelled, 
exposed to the wind and sun, till it was thereby sufficiently 
hardened, which would remain good for a whole year. 
We having some reasons to believe him innocent, over and 
above this his so bountiful hospitality, on promise of his 
future obedience and admittance the Bashaw pardoned 
him, and marched on to Eminstanud,t a castle about two 
leagues distant from thence ; where having received a 
like satisfaction, he went on to Mentugoe,t seven leagues 
farther, where they also came in to him with their 
presents and arrears ; and here we again pitched our 
tents and settled our camp for six weeks, during which 
time all that province, some by foul and others by fair 
means, came in also, and followed the example of their 
neighbours. From Montugoe we marched to Itawaddeel,§ 
one day's journey ; and thence the next day to Sesag088ulee,|| 
a very high mountain ; the next to Tammanert, subduing 
all as we went : settling our camp here till all were like- 
wise brought under obedience, we having first killed vast 
numbers of them, and before our departure thence hung 
up at least six hundred heads as a future terror. Here 
turning back, we, after three days' march of about seven 
leagues a day, got to Shadamah, a very large plentiful 
province, where we continued till all were in like manner, 

• Kaid Mancoor bu al-Rooab. f Ymin Tanoo(i. 

\ Mtooga. Ait Wadyl. i| Sherf-al-gusool'. 


through like means, brought under the Emperor's subjec- 
tion ; which was the last and finishing stroke of this our 
so long and dangerous expedition, in which we lost at the 
least fifteen hundred of our men, and amongst them sixty 
of my small number ; myself, I thank God (though I had my 
clothes shot through in several places), escaping un wounded. 

We now began our march for Morocco, where we safely 
arrived at the end of four days, having with us all our 
baggage, the greatest part of our booty, and three of the 
chief men out of every province to be carried with us to 
Mequinez, to give an account to the Emperor of their 
behaviour in the late rebellion, the Bashaw and the 
remains of his people encamping again without the walls 
of the city, Belearge and myself, with the remains of 
ours, being again ordered to march in ; and we were by 
the citizens most courteously entertained, selling our 
shares of the booty, viz. bullocks and sheep in vast 
numbers, for what any would give us ; I having myself, 
with several others in partnership, sold there and at 
several other places before on the road, four hundred 
sheep for so small a price as a blankeel each (which is 
twopence), and thought ourselves well off; for what could 
we have done with them, being obliged to take that or 
nothing ; besides, we were glad at any rate to get rid of 
the very great trouble of driving them. 

Now am I again in the city of Morocco, of which I do 
not doubt but it may be expected that I should give a 
particular description and an account of all its curiosities ; 
which I could readily, and would as willingly do, did I not 
think it altogether inconsistent with my main point, and 
would enlarge my history to very little purpose, by only 
repeating what has been, without doubt, before made 
public. Therefore I shall, by way of digression, mention 
only two of the most agreeable curiosities which my own 


fancy was struck with, the one within and the other 
without the walls, and refer my readers for the rest to the 
several books already printed ; and first of that within the 
walls, which was four golden globes of a large size and 
value, fixed on the top of the tower of the Emperor's palace, 
and which, according to common fame, were set up many 
hundred years ago on the following occasion. 

LuUa Oudah,* daughter and widow to two of their 
ancient Emperors, happened one day to see in a woman's 
basket some very tempting peaches, and being at the same 
time with child, she took one of them, and after biting off 
a small part of it, and putting the remainder into the 
basket again, she went away, saying, ** She had but just 
nicked the time ; " of which some of the bystanders taking 
notice and pondering thereon, it soon came into their 
minds that it must be very near the time of the commence- 
ment of their Ramadam, which is a very strict fast they 
observe every twelfth moon ; and during which, if any are 
known to eat or drink from an hour before the breaking 
of the day till the appearance of the stars, it is death by 
their law ; and they are not only obliged to abstain from 
all manner of food, but likewise from smoking, washing 
their mouths, taking snuff, smelling perfumes, or con- 
versing with women. 

Those who are obliged to travel may drink a little water ; 
and such as are sick may borrow a few days of their 
prophet ; but they must and do repay punctually, when 
they recover strength. In the towns they run about the 
streets and wake all those people they think are asleep, 
that they may eat and so be the better able to support 
themselves in the day ; they rise three or four times in the 
night, and sleep again. Such as are libertine, and used 
to drink wine, abstain from it at this time. 

* 'Aoodya. 



It is usual in the towns every evening, when the fast 
of that day is ended, for a trumpet to be sounded from the 
castle, to give notice of it ; before which time it is pleasant 
to see the posture of the Moors, one holding a pipe ready 
filled, while he impatiently expects the sound of the 
trumpet ; another with a dish of Cuscassoo before him, 
ready to run his hand in ; some got close to the fountains, 
to be the first that shall drink. On the eve of their Lent 
they make great rejoicing, shouting and repeating the 
name of God, and watch for the appearance of the moon, 
at which they fire their muskets, then fall to saying their 
prayers, the Emperor himself sometimes at their head ; 
who, to persuade the people of his great regard for religion, 
keeps this fast four months every year ; but they are 
obliged to observe it only during that one moon. 

The poor longing queen was, by a due inquiry into the 
moon's age, found to have transgressed in it by three hours, 
and immediate sentence was passed upon her, which put 
her under a grievous agony, as not knowing (though she 
was exceeding rich) how to get off ; though at the last (on 
her promising to set up those balls, and to build four 
several bridges over two very rapid rivers, viz., three on 
Murbia,* and one on Wadlabbid,f wherein abundance of 
people had been before drowned, in their attempting to 
cross over) she obtained a pardon ; and these promises 
were in her lifetime accordingly performed, together with 
several large buildings, and donations for schools, alms- 
houses, &c., over and above her very extraordinary and 
chargeable obligation. 

These four globes are, by computation, seven hundred 
pounds, Barbary weight, each pound consisting of twenty- 
four ounces, which make in all 1,050 pounds English ; and 
frequent attempts had been made to take them away, but 
* Om-er-Ebia. f Wad-el-'Abid. 


without success ; for, as the notion ran, any attempting it 
were soon glad to desist from it, they being affrightened, 
and especially at their near approach to them, in a very 
strange and surprising manner, and seized with an extra- 
ordinary faintness and trembling, hearing at the same 
time a great rumbling noise, like as if the whole fabric 
was tumbling down about their ears, so that, in great 
confusion, they all returned faster than they advanced. 

This did I often hear, yet had I a very strong itching 
to try the truth of it ; and to gratify my curiosity, I one 
night (having before communicated my intentions to two 
of my men, and persuaded them to go with me, and 
provided myself with candles, flint, steel, and tinder) 
entered the foot of the tower, lighted my candles, and 
advanced with my comrades close at my heels till I had 
gained at least two-thirds of the height, I still going on. 
Then really, to my seeming, I both felt and heard such a 
dismal rumbling noise and shaking of the tower (my lights 
at that very instant quite going out), as I thought far 
surpassed that of common fame. Yet was I resolved to 
proceed, and called to my comrades to be of good courage, 
but having no answer from them, I soon found they had 
left me in the lurch ; upon which, falling into a very great 
sweat, I went back also, and found them at the bottom in 
a terrible condition. And so ended my mad project, and 
which was, I think, a very mad one indeed, for had I 
obtained the globes, in what, could it have bettered 
my deplorable condition, being always obliged to follow 
the Emperor's pleasure, and with whom it was a most 
sufficient crime to be rich. And so much for my foolish 
attempt on the golden globes.* 

"What I was most delighted with, without the walls of 
Morocco, was a most curious and spacious garden for the 

* Note 11. 


king's pleasure, when he came to that city, it being by far 
the finest of all I had ever seen before, being kept in the 
most exquisite manner, as to its curious and regular walks 
and arbours, and laid out with large collections of most 
kinds of fruits and flowers, the fruit trees being very large, 
and dressed and pruned in a very elegant manner; so 
that their wood, and especially that of the orange trees, 
was always in a prosperous condition, almost ever green, 
blooming and bearing fruit. In this garden I saw the 
trunk of an old tree (which I was told was that of a very 
large orange tree), with great spreading branches, which, 
when in its prosperity, was the death of Muley Archid, 
the Emperor's brother (who, about seven years before, 
killed Muley Em Hamet, his elder brother, with his own 
band, to make way for himself to the Empire). He being 
one day in his garden on horseback, and his horse running 
suddenly out with him, so that he could by no means stop 
him, carried him under this tree, in a moment appearing 
on the other side without his rider ; and notwithstanding 
the quick approach of his attendants, they found him 
quite dead, hanging by his head in a forked limb. On 
which account there was, no doubt, no little hurry all over 
the empire, he being reckoned one of the most famous 
conquerors in those parts, having made himself master, by 
the sword, of the kingdoms of Tafilet, Fez, Morocco, and 
Sus, and by this means the old tyrant (whom I was 
obliged to serve) came to the throne. However, this 
accident was by all reckoned a just judgment. 

And now being obliged to proceed immediately for 
Mequinez, I shall, after so long a digression, which is 
chiefly indeed from hearsay, return to my own story, and 
be upon the spur with the tribute taken upon our late 
expedition, together with that for one year, for the city of 
Morocco ; and which being somewhat extraordinary, I 


think it may not be amiss to mention the particulars of it, 
■whereby the reader may in some measure guess at the 
richness of the inhabitants. 

It consisted first of 140 quintals, or Barbary hundreds 
of silver coin ; secondly, 204 fine horses, the latter four 
being (over and above their wonted and required number) 
a voluntary present to the Emperor, were the finest that 
could be got, with saddles, bridles, &c., altogether as finely 
set off, and especially that for his own riding, the saddle 
being behind and before well strengthened with plates of 
gold, and curiously inlaid with many very valuable jewels, 
the stirrips of beaten gold, and the bridle and other 
accoutrements in every point suitable, with a fine scimitar 
and crooked knife, the hilts, scabbard, and sheath also very 
rich, hanged to the saddle by gold chains ; thirdly, 200 
mules with pads on their backs, completely fitted vnth 
stirrups, and their bodies covered all over with scarlet 
cloth ; fourthly, 200 blacks, males and females, a like 
number ; fifthly, 800 quintals of gunpowder ; sixthly, 4,000 
gun stocks ; seventhly, 800 turrahs of fine dressed goat 
skins, each turrah consisting of six skins ; eighthly, 400 
quintals of butter ; ninthly, 400 ditto of honey ; tenth, 
400 ditto of oil ; eleventh, 2,000 gun locks ; twelfth, 
2,000 sword blades ; thirteenth, 2,000 powder horns ; 
fourteenth, 60 quintals of elhennah or black grass, the 
same sort of that my duchess's hands and feet were dis- 
coloured with at the time of our precipitate marriage ; and 
fifteenth, 400 quintals of dates. All which being packed 
up, the muleteers proceeded with the caravan, and we 
with the army as a convoy, and got the first day to the 
river Tensift, about five leagues ; the second day to 
Ceedearhal,* seven leagues ; the third to the river Tessent, 
fourth to Boahgobah, fifth to the river Demoe, sixth to 
* SidiRahal. 


Tedlah, seventh to Ceedelle Feellelle,* eighth to Tendrah, 
a very fertile and large plain, surrounded by vast moun- 
tainous woods, — and here many of the Emperor's cows 
(though no doubt it is a very dangerous place for cattle, 
on account of the very great number of savage beasts 
lurking hereabouts) are generally kept ; the ninth to the 
river Gregrah, the country also very woody, and plentifully 
stored with lions, and I think the boldest I ever saw, 
coming that night even into our camp, making a hideous 
and terrible noise, killing two of our horses and eating 
them all up before daybreak ; the tenth to the castle of 
Agoory t short of Mequinez about six leagues, travelling 
at the rate of about seven leagues a day ; and the eleventh 
we came into Mequinez in good season, and secured all 
the effects of the caravan within the walls of the Emperor's 
palace; and after the Bashaw had acquainted the Em- 
peror with our proceedings, and given him a particular 
account of the behaviour of the several prisoners, we were 
all (after making a plentiful supper) ordered for that night 
to rest. 

The next morning, about eight o'clock, the Emperor 
ordered the Bashaw to bring the several prisoners into the 
yard before him, when myself and Belearge, by command 
of the Bashaw, immediately guarded them in. The old 
tyrant looking at them very furiously (after asking them 
a few questions), told them in an angry tone " that they 
were insolent traitors, and they should soon reap the 
fruits of their late rebellion." Then he ordered three of the 
most notorious of them to stand with their backs pretty 
nigh the wall. The victims obeying, the executioner 
was ordered, on the Emperor's signal, to cut off their 
heads, which (the signal being given) he instantly did at 
two strokes, two of them being cleanly severed at one. 
* Sidi el FUeli. f Note 14. 


Then the Emperor ordered the rest of thera to be removed 
to some further distance ; and though, no doubt, they were 
every moment expecting to share in the same fate with 
their neighbours, yet did the Emperor, on their promising 
him to behave better for the future (contrary to their own 
and every other body's expectation then present), pardon 
them, though with this restriction, " Never more to return 
to their old respective places of abode, but to reside at 
those which should be by him allotted for them." Then 
Belearge and myself receiving twenty-five ducats each, 
and our men six, were ordered to depart and carry off 
with us the prisoners ; who after being stigmatized or 
branded with a hot iron in their foreheads, were like 
vagrants put the next day out of the city, every one to 
inquire after the place of his allotment. What became 
of them after I never heard . 

The execution of these three captives was performed by 
the hands of an Exeter man, whose surname I have forgot, 
though I very well remember his Christian one was 
Absalom,* and that he often told me he was by trade a 
butcher ; and he was, no doubt, a very bold man, for 
before the execution the Bashaw offering him his sword, 
he smiling told him, that he thought his own to be alto- 
gether as good, which he should soon see ; and which, 
indeed, was as soon made appear ; he further adding, 
that had it not been of very excellent temper it could not 
have performed what he had hitherto done with it. 

Now are Belearge and myself again ordered into the 
palace, and by the Emperor commanded to lay open several 
of the presents to his view. After taking particular 
notice of them, and ordering also for the fine horses, &c., 
to be brought forward, he said, " These dogs are certainly 
very rich ; but what was this in comparison of what they 
* Abd-es-Selam. 


had yet behind, and that this was no more than their 
giving him a small part of what was before his own ; 
therefore, if they did not mend their manners by sending 
him more for the future, he would send his messengers to 
fetch it, with their heads into the bargain." Here we 
may see the dangerous consequence of arbitrary power, 
and thank God that we are governed by such wholesome 
laws as are those of this happy nation. Here every one 
is allowed fair trial in matters of life and death, as well 
as like equity in the recovery and keeping their own ; 
whereas, those unhappy people who are subject to arbitrary 
tyrants, are to-day rich and great, to-morrow beggars, 
often losing their lives with their estates, all without being 
heard, or any daring to inquire for why or wherefore. 

If a poor man in Barbary gets but a pair of oxen to 
plough, he would not only be liable to be robbed of them 
by the next little mercenary governor, but forced to sell 
his corn to pay an arbitrary tribute. For which reason 
the land has no proprietor above two or three leagues 
round a town ; and if you chance to spy two or three small 
cottages, you may be sure they belong to some Alcayde, 
and the poor people that live in them to till the ground 
are his servants, and, like the cattle, receive no other 
recompense for their labour but the wretched provender 
they eat. 

The Emperor and his Alcaydes confound all trade in 
the country, by robbing such as have any reputation for 
riches. For which reason the Moors take it for a token 
that you design them harm if you say they are rich ; and 
it is believed that there are abundance of Arabians who 
have concealed estates (for this country, fifty or sixty years 
ago, was extraordinary rich), and yet appear so miserable, 
that they have nothing but an Alhague* to cover them, 

* Haik. 


which serves for shirt, drawers, coat, cloak, bed, and 
everything. But those who lived in towns were presently 
ruined. I have heard that the people of Tetuan were very 
considerable traders, and some of them left off business 
when the Emperor came to the throne, thinking by that 
means to go off with what they had got and be quiet. But 
on the contrary, being once taxed for people of substance, 
the same continued till the fortunes they had got were 
exhausted, and nothing coming in, they are at present 
reduced to extreme want, and several of them have been 
shown without a bit of bread ; for all those who are in any 
condition are such as continued to trade, because they 
had at that time no other means of subsistence. 

In 1699, the Governor of Fez sent to a merchant to give 
him a hundred ducats for the tribute. He having before 
got off for a great deal less went to excuse himself ; upon 
which he sent for four or five negroes, and ordered them 
to torment that man till he gave them a thousand. This 
he paid, after being stripped and left all day in the sun, 
hung up by the thumbs, and some other artful cruelties ; 
and the condition of all the country is such, that any 
pretence whatsoever will serve the Alcaydes to rob and 
plunder their people.* — Thrice and four times happy the 
inhabitants of the British Isles. Here every man enjoys 
what is his own with the most undisturbed security, and 
without any fear of having it ravished from him by the 
hand of power. Here no haughty king dares to lay his 
hand, without the leave of the laws, on the meanest of 
his subjects ; much less doom them to unjust and cruel 
deaths. Thankful, daily thankful ought we to be to 
Heaven for placing us where the inestimable blessing of 
liberty still exists ; and how jealous ought we to be of it, 
and how careful that we never in the least contribute 

* Note 12. 


to overthrow the noble fabric of British hberty, by any 
imprudent or mercenary actions of our own. 

And now for our departure for our respective garrisons 
again ; for which, after refreshing ourselves and recruiting 
our men, Belearge and myself departed, leaving Mequinez 
with our full numbers, and arrived at Tamnsnah — by the 
same road, and halting at the same places as we did at 
our first going thither — after the absence of seven months, 
without anything particular happening on the road worthy 
my notice. On our approach to the walls of the castle, all 
the women, and several of the men, came forth to meet us, 
which you may imagine to be a meeting both of a great 
deal of joy and lamentation amongst the fair sex — those 
who met their, husbands rejoicing, and those who did not 
behaving like other widows on suchlike occasions. How- 
ever, I remember that I entered very merrily with my girl, 
insomuch that I had forgot, as knowing her to be with 
child before our departure, to ask her if it was a boy or a 
girl, though, indeed, being settled within, this was my 
first question ; to which she, smiling, answered me that she 
had had, about six weeks before, a daughter, but that a 
certain woman had taken it from her. At which — as not 
so soon seeing through the cunning of the wench — I was 
very much enraged, when the cunning gipsy ordered the 
child to be brought forth, declaring the thief to be the 
midwife ; at which I was again pacified, and not a little 
pleased with the joke, laughing and embracing the child 
very heartily. 

Now are some merry, and some seemingly sad, for a day 
or two ; after which we lived again very comfortably 
together, Belearge and his people, with sixty of mine, 
being departed for their respective garrisons, where, no 
doubt, they were received with the like joy, mixed with 


Now are we again at liberty to divert ourselves, spending 
the best part of our time in shooting and hunting in the 
woods, as indeed we spent a great deal of it that way 
before our setting forth on our late expedition, but I being 
in such a hurry to join the Bashaw at Morocco, I did not 
then stay to mention anything of it ; though here I shall 
not forget to tell you that we used to spend then, as well 
as now, usually four days in the week at that employ- 
ment, here being vast plenty of game, as partridges, 
hares, and jackals. And though our sport was attended 
with great danger on account of the vast numbers of wild 
beasts, even to the extreme hazard of our lives. On which 
account some may think the game we got too dearly 
bought. Yet did not we so, as still thinking the profit 
to sufficiently compensate the danger, generally, I say, 
passing therein four days in every week, and with very 
good success, killing vast numbers of all kinds, coming 
home at nights laden, and seldom or never failing to 
refresh ourselves by a good supper of such as we liked 
best, and to wash them down with a cup of good wine, for 
which we never wanted, the inhabitants of the country 
round bringing us in several skins a week, together with 
many other presents, on account of our destroying the 
wild beasts, for which purpose we set every Saturday apart, 
the inhabitants joining us with their dogs, arms, &c., and 
amongst us all we made a notable slaughter. At our 
return home at night we never failed of three or four wild 
porkers roasted whole, nor of a fresh supply of wine, 
which, though two very presumptuous breaches of their 
law at Mequinez, yet did we — as being of other nations, 
and the Emperor winking at it— continue in it, stopping 
the mouth of the priest with a flowing bowl, though I 
could never bring him to eat pork. 

Being now surrounded, as it were, with wild beasts, and 


time upon my hands, I shall, by a short digression, acquaint 
you by what means any going the road about their lawful 
occasions may best escape them. And first for the tiger, 
which I take to be by far the most dangerous creature, 
though not so terrible as the lion, he generally lying near 
the roadside on his belly, with his legs under him in a 
proper posture for leaping, so that he is on his prey before 
it can well avoid him, and which cannot be done at all, but 
by a due observance of what I am about to tell you ; and, 
in the first place, I hope you will allow it highly necessary 
for travellers in such countries to carry their eyes before 
their feet, whereby they may, before too nigh approach, 
the better discover the enemy, and which, if they do not, 
they may repent it when too late ; and having so discovered 
him, to take their eyes instantly off him and continue to 
walk on their road, and if he is not hungry they are quite 
safe. Whereas, on the contrary, should they happen to 
make the least stand, and stare him in the face, he leaps 
directly at them, and it is a hundred to one if they escape 
with life. The lion, on the other hand, shows himself 
boldly sitting on his breech with a very sour look in the 
road, about twenty or thirty paces before travellers. In 
this case, instead of walking on and keeping their eyes off 
him, they must stand still and stare him full in the face, 
hollowing at him and abusing him all they can ; and for 
fear he may not understand English, in the language — if 
they can — of the country. Upon this hollowing and staring 
at him, he gets him on his legs, and, severely lashing his 
loins with his tail, walks from them, roaring after a terrible 
manner, and sits himself down again in the road, about 
the distance of a mile or two, when both traveller and lion 
behave again in the same manner ; and after proving them 
thus a third time, the lion generally leaves them without 
iuterruption. This I know to be true, having been obliged 


several times in my travels through the country to make 

the experiment, and which I shall hereafter have occasion 

more particularly to mention.* But to return to my 


* Note 13. 


Mr. Pellow goes with tlie troops to Guzlan, and shares in the siege of 
that town — He is wounded — The place surrenders and a number 
of the inhabitants are beheaded — Our author is advanced in the 
Moorish service and returns to Tamnsnah — He is now inured to 
the cruel wars of the Emperor, and takes part in most of his 
attacks on rebellious tribes and towns — He goes across the Atlas 
to Tafilet, and enters the desert — How the Eoyal children are 
disposed of — The wild Arabs or Bedouins and their ways of life — 
Bashmagh the negro and his extraordinary adventures — He is sold 
and sold again by his own request, and always returns with a 
good horse and weapons — The return to Tafilet — The march to 
the borders of Algeria — The author often visits his countrymen at 
Bailee, and begins to meditate his escape — The death of Muley 

ABOUT this time, that is to say, after about four 
months enjoying ourselves at Tamnsnah, there came 
repeated accounts to the Emperor of the revolt of a con- 
siderable number of his subjects in and about Guzlan, a 
strong town near the deserts, distant from Mequinez about 
twenty-three days' march, after the rate of twelve leagues 
a day, they having made very bold incursions into several 
parts of that neighbourhood, plundering all who refused to 
come into like measures with them, destroying the caravan 
of the Laurbs,* a wild sort of people, coming thither from 
the coast of the deserts for dates, killing sixteen of the 
Emperor's blacks sent there with his credentials to receive 

* Arabs. 


and bring to Mequinez their accustomed tribute ; and, in 
short, having thrown off all obedience, stood upon their 
guard, fortifying the town with strong walls, and putting 
into it great quantities of warlike stores and provisions. 
On which so frequent alarms, the Emperor, being not a 
little enraged, immediately ordered an army to be in readi- 
ness to march against them, and myself and Belearge, 
with four hundred of our men, to hasten directly to 
Mequinez to join them. There we found the rest of the 
army, making with us eighteen thousand horse and eight 
thousand foot ready to march, sending before us four pieces 
of hea\'y cannon and two mortars, to be forwarded over the 
mountains at the expense of the several inhabitants, and 
guarded with all the foot. Early on the fifth day after 
we followed them with all the horse, lodging the first night 
at Agoory, the castle at the foot of the mountain, where 
we before finished our rout at in our march from Morocco ; 
the second at the River Gregrah * ; the third at Tendrah ; 
the fourth at Ceedeellee Feelellee ; the fifth to Tedlah, 
where we rested two days; the sixth at the River Dernor ; f 
seventh at Inesergoe ; eighth at Goahgobah ; ninth at 
Ceedeaummorroh ; I tenth to Ceedearhall ; eleventh to 
Soakdegirgah,§ on a mountain about six leagues over; 
twelfth at Tinneough Gollowey, the foot of that mountain 
on the other side, and where we were most courteously 
entertained by Alcayde Abdestadick Elgolowey,-: a very 
good man of the sort, and then Governor of that part 
of the country, he being in very high esteem with the 
Emperor, on account of his keeping his people under very 
strict order and good decorum; thirteenth at. "W add el 
Mella, a very noted river, on account of its winding itself in 
a very intricate manner between the mountains, we being 

* Gerygra. f Denooa. J Sidi 'Amara. 

§ Sok el Gergah. || Al Kaid Abd-es-Sadok-el-Gallowey. 


obliged to cross it in one hundred and one several places, 
all in one and the same day; the fourteenth at Wours- 
zessez, two or three small villages also between the 
mountains, commanded by Alcayde Bauhessey Elverzessey, 
who also behaved very friendly to us ; fifteenth at a small 
river called Zouyet et Handore ; sixteenth at Agadis, 
which is the head of the Eiver Draugh, and where we 
found prodigious quantities of palm trees, with dates in 
perfection ; seventeenth at Zooyet Burnoose ; * eighteenth 
at the castle of Tanzulin ; nineteenth at the castle of 
Tarhatter, commanded by Muley es Sherriff, one of the 
Emperor's sons, who was there waiting for our coming, he 
being ordered by his father to join us with sixteen thousand 
foot ; and after refreshing ourselves there two days, he 
accordingly marched with them at our head, our whole 
army being now forty-two thousand ; the twentieth we 
lodged at Taugahmadurt, in the province of Swagtah ; the 
twenty -first at Fumulbungh ; f the twenty - second at 
Binney Zibbah ; I and the twenty-third, about two of the 
clock in the afternoon, we got to Guzlan.§ Here the mal- 
contents bidding us welcome twice that night, we soon 
found we had work enough to do. For we had but just 
time to view the situation of their garrison, and by our 
engineers' orders began to work on our trenches, before 
the rebels sallied forth in number about twelve thousand, 
and began directly to fire upon us with small arms very 
briskly ; which we as briskly answering, drove them back, 
and fell to work upon our trenches again. Then, about ten 
at night, they having trenches without very near ours 
which we were ignorant of, they gave us on a sudden such 
a smart volley as in a very little time killed six hundred 
of our men, and amongst them were eighty-seven of mine 

* Bdnus. f Fum-el-bungh. 

X Beni Zibbah. § Note 14. 


and Belearge's. However, we gave them as smart a re- 
ception, killing many of them, and driving the rest quite 
home in at their gates, and Belearge and myself, with the 
remains of our people, followed them as far as we could, 
sheltering ourselves as close as possible at the foot of their 
outer wall, and keeping ourselves there in great silence till 
daybreak ; when our General, seeing us there, and that 
none of the rest of the troops had followed us, he seemed 
to be highly enraged with them, calling them cowards, and 
earnestly entreated our engineers to think of some safe 
and speedy way for our retreat, for that, should we attempt 
an open one, we must in all likelihood be taken off all to a 
man by the shot of the rebels from their walls. Therefore 
they, for the better and safer facilitating our retreat, 
ordered to be directly cut down a great number of palm 
and date trees, with which was thrown up a barricade 
before a body of men, who carried on a trench of about 
six feet deep towards us, through the sand, still covering 
behind them with trees, and sand on the top ; so that they 
got close to us, and we all safely retired through this 
trench by eleven o'clock that forenoon. 

This town of Guzlan lay in a flat and sandy country, 
environed with three several walls and two ditches, one 
within another, and without "by millions of date trees, 
spreading many leagues ; so that we are now obliged to 
cut down many thousand of them with the fruit thereon, 
and to carry matters on more discreetly and with less risk, 
we having an undoubted account by several prisoners of 
the enemy's strength and resolute defence, being at the 
least eighteen thousand strong, and well provided with 
provision, small arms, and ammunition. Therefore the 
engineers said it was in vain for our men to expose them- 
selves to the shot of the rebels, which they could fire upon 
us all at once from their three several walls, and therefore 



it would be mere madness in us to act any otherwise than 
upon the defensive, till we had raised a battery, in order 
for the better bringing our cannon to play upon them. 
But the sand sliding so fast from underneath us, it was a 
good while before it could be perfected to their minds, we 
being first obliged, to prevent the sand from running, to 
secure it by driving strong piles, and close buttresses 
thrown between the piles and it. By this means it was 
completed, our cannon mounted, and all that night we 
kept a continual firing from them, throwing many balls 
on their walls, though all without making the least breach, 
they being built of sand, strengthened with great limbs of 
trees in such a manner that we had only our labour for 
our pains ; and the rebels, who knew they could not receive 
any damage from our firing, flouted at us after a very 
joking manner. Our engineers, perceiving their mirth and 
jokes, told the General that they would, in case his Ex- 
cellency was so pleased, make them laugh the wrong side 
of their mouths ; which he consenting to, they threw in a 
couple of bombs, which we soon found to take off the edge 
of their laughter, and to terrify them very much, they 
being followed by a great many more. And which, no 
doubt, did them a great deal of damage, they being thereat 
so highly provoked, that they made several sallies, though 
still driven back again with great loss of men on both 
sides ; and though I was generally in the thickest of them, 
yet I escaped, thank God, hitherto unwounded, though 
indeed I could not, by the next day at noon, say I was 
invulnerable ; at which time a Moor being brought by 
some of our men, who had been out a-foraging, in our 
camp with a mule laden with bread. The rebels seeing 
this from their walls, and knowing him to be one of 
their party, were so highly exasperated at, that they made 
a sudden sally ; and notwithstanding they were as warmly 


received by us, yet did they kill of us fifteen hundred men, 
and wounded me by a musket shot lodging in my right 
thigh ; and which, though it was soon taken out by a 
German surgeon,* a man of great skill and diligence, and 
I was most carefully attended by him. Yet was it full forty 
days before I was again fit for action, and then I was again 
exposed to those hasty messengers, scarce a day passing 
without some of them coming even so near me as my skin, 
and carrying my clothes off in many places, and still the 
danger increasing, as was every day sufficiently manifest, 
and still the far more bloody part to come- 

And now our General, on his seeing the malcontents so 
resolute, ordered our engineers to consider on ways and 
means for carrying on a mine under their several walls and 
ditches, which they instantly undertook to do from the 
trench already brought home for our deliverance, and as 
quickly set about it. However, it was a long time before it 
could be performed, the country being so very loose, that 
we were obliged to bind it every inch as we went on by firm 
timber and planks on the top, to support it, by which means 
it was at last perfected, and carried successfully on under 
their several walls and ditches, and at last blown up with 
that success as to make so wide a breach as we all, in a 
very little time, entered sword in hand. And now there 
was, between us and the rebels, for the space of two hours, 
bloody work, when the remnant of them retired to one end 
of the town, which they had so well fortified against our 
fury, that we were in a manner glad to give out for eight 
days, though during this time we often saluted them with 
our cannon and bombs, and they us by frequent sallies ; 
and which, I think, was by far more bold and noble. But 
they being reduced to a very great degree, and seeing their 
longer resistance would be in vain, their provisions being 

* Note 16. 


quite spent, and ammunition very short, they having un- 
advisedly left the greatest part of it without, and which was 
now in our hands : so that they began, for want of it, to 
grow very faint, and many of them dying of hunger, the 
remnant beat a parley, humbly imploring the General that 
they might be spared with their lives, and promising, on 
such terms, to surrender and behave to the Emperor for 
the future with the most dutiful obedience. To which they 
were very reasonably answered, that rebels reduced to such 
a condition, after so long and bloody a resistance against an 
army of their sovereign prince, and from whom they had 
thrown off all allegiance, and in a most insolent and con- 
temptuous manner bidden him defiance, were not in any 
wise to be allowed to become their own choosers. Therefore 
they should submit to the will of the General, who would, 
no doubt, soon order such punishments to be inflicted upon 
them as he was before ordered by his father to do, accord- 
ing to the merits of the case. 

And which, poor wretches, they, being almost all starved 
and miserably wounded, were obliged to submit to, and had 
all their heads instantly cut off on the spot ; by which, I 
think, rather than to continue longer in such misery (as 
being thereby at once freed from all their calamity), they 
were by far the better off. Thus ended this long and 
bloody rebellion, which took us up about seventeen months, 
and with the loss, on our side, of fifteen thousand of our 

And now our General, as not having thought, in the heat 
of blood, to preserve some few of them alive for triumph, 
orders vast numbers of heads, already cut off, to be carried 
in lieu thereof to his father, as a present ; though at last 
they became stinking to that degree that he was obliged to 
be contented with their ears, which were all cut off from 
their heads, and put up with salt into barrels. For we had 


carried so many stinking heads so long a way, it must 
certainly have very much annoyed the whole army, and 
probably have bred an infection in it. 

Now are we obliged, on account of our wounded men, to 
remain here six weeks longer ; when we struck our tents, 
and, after burning the town and demolishing the walls, 
departed with some of them on handbarrows for Mequinez, 
resting at Tarnatter six days. After which we proceeded, 
leaving Muley Sherriff there with his people, marching back 
so fast as we could, all the way diverting ourselves by shoot- 
ing and killing many lions, tigers, and other very dangerous 
wild beasts, the inhabitants all the way striving to outdo 
one another in all good offices, bringing us in every day 
sufficient of all kinds of provisions, both for ourselves and 
horses. So that we fared very well, enjoying ourselves 
with the produce of this plentiful country, having every 
day fresh supplies of bread, butter, and honey, with abun- 
dance of very good beef and mutton, corn, &c., and all 
without plunder or rapine. 

The Emperor received us, at our arrival, very coui'teously, 
and gave every soldier twenty ducats, he being highly 
pleased with the conduct of Muley Sherriff, who he said 
had sent him his reasons in writing, for not sending him 
so many heads so long a way, and therefore he was highly 
contented with the ears ; though not, as he said, but that 
the sight of the heads would have given him a great deal 
of pleasure ; yet, as they were stinking, and might possibly 
prove of ill consequence to the army, he thought them to 
be by far better left behind. He then ordered the barrels 
to be opened, and the ears to be turned out before him ; 
and after looking at them for some time, he with a pleased 
though stern aspect ordered them to be again put up and 
laid by till another rebellion, when he would, he said, send 
them to the rebels as a present. However, they were all 


at last strung on cords, and hanged along the walls of the 

Now are Belearge and myself ordered, after recruiting 
our men (as having in this so long and dangerous expedi- 
tion lost at least one half), to be again in readiness, as the 
next day, to depart for our respective garrisons, though 
this my old and very good friend was not destined to do, 
he being, poor man, that night poisoned by a woman, as 
was generally supposed, in order to her getting his post for 
her husband. But in this she was very much mistaken, 
all his men being put under my command, and all of them 
the next day marched with me, getting safe to my castle of 
Tamnsnah, after the absence of twenty-one months. 

Now, after visiting and settling my new men in Belearge's 
old garrison of Stant, I again returned to my wife, and 
stayed with her and her daughter in peace for four months. 
For as I was now so far inured in their bloody civil wars, I 
was seldom exempted from making one, and receiving many 
wounds therein. Nor had I (during the remainder of the 
reign of old Muley Ishmael, and the short reigns of Muley 
Hammet Deby, and Muley Abdemeleck, two of their suc- 
ceeding emperors, and until Muley Abdallah, who succeeded 
the last of them, was a second time by the Black Army 
driven out) any rest therefrom, unless by these little inter- 
vals at Tamnsnah, and some few others at our garrisons, 
which I shall take notice of in their proper place. But 
being, as I said, now again with my wife at Tamnsnah, I 
endeavoured to make the time as agreeable to my inclina- 
tions as I could possibly, never failing to employ myself, 
according to our usual days, in our old sport of shooting 
and hunting, and still bringing in plenty of game, and 
many skins of good wine ; though this, indeed, as I had 
now many new people to deal with, was under closer cover. 
Not but they might have been all soon brought to drink 


■wine, but being seldom or never faithful to their promise, 
I was thoroughly resolved not to trust any of them in that 
way ; and indeed I thought wine too good for the best of 
them, and therefore I was fully determined not to run any 
hazard on that account.* 

Now are my four months expired, and I am again ordered 
directly, with two hundred of my men, to Mequinez, where 
we were soon joined with two hundred more, we being all 
light horse ; and we were immediately ordered by the 
Emperor to proceed for Taffilet, and thence, as a convoy to 
the caravan, to the castle of Toal, seventy days' journey 
in the deserts, to convoy and bring safe to Mequinez his 
wonted tribute from those parts. We proceeded according 
to the following route : — The first day to Bittitt ; second to 
Suffrooe : third to the river Gregoe ; fourth to the moun- 
tain Ceedehamsou f ; fifth to the river Melwea ; sixth to 
Cassavey, a castle commanded by Muley Hasham, a near 
kinsman to the Emperor ; seventh to Embetsgurvan ; 
eighth to Buiny Menteer ; | ninth to Cassersook, in the 
Province of Endoughrah ; tenth to Fumulhungue, and the 
eleventh to the city of Taffilet, where we rested four days ; 
here beiug the beginning of the deserts this way. 

The kingdom of Tafiilet is famous for dromedaries, which 
will travel as much in twenty-four hours as ordinary horses 
do in eight days. It is much more barren than any other 
part of Barbary, and has only this one city in it, iu which 
reside many of the Emperor's sons ; for when they are of 
such an age that he is apprehensive they may be a cause 
of trouble at home, he no longer lets them live in the 
palace. But they are disposed of as the interest of their 
mothers prevail, either in some post about the Court, or 
sent to Taffilet, where the Emperor gives them a plantation 
of dates, on which they live. But those who have the mis- 
♦ Note IG. f Sidi el Bamsoo. I Bern M'tir. 


fortune to lose their mothers, or are out of favour, come to 
want, and are as much neglected as if they had not been 
born, never returning to Court again.* 

In Taffilet vast quantities of most sorts of commodities, 
coming out of the deserts and country round, are laid up 
in storehouses, till they are by the Emperor's orders other- 
ways disposed of. 

We now entered with our pilot and the caravan into the 
deserts ; who, after seventy days' travel over this sandy 
ocean, he still directing us by the 'compass, brought us in 
safety to the castle of Toal, a garrison kept by Moors, 
always residing there, and where the Laurbs or Arabs, 
people inhabiting those parts of the deserts, bring in once 
a year their wonted tributes, as gold, ivory, indigo, &c., 
which they traffick for on the coast of Guinea.t 

These Laurbs are an awkward sort of people of an 
olive colour, and wearing the hair of their heads and 
beards without ever cutting or topping, it runs naturally 
up into rings or curls, so that their heads look all one at a 
distance as if they had growing on them large bushes of 
furze. Their only clothing, is a blue linen shirt, and a pair 
of drawers reaching a little below their knees, with which 
they are furnished by the Moors. Their habitations, or 
tents, are made of the skins of tame and wild beasts. 
Their food chiefly the flesh and milk of camels, as being 
of all others most in esteem with them, though sometimes 
they eat mutton, having many sheep of a large size, bear- 
ing a long spiry hair instead of wool ;. antelopes, and, in 
short, any other sort of flesh they can catch, as lions, 
tigers, ostriches, &c., and dates instead of bread. Their 
language, called Laurbea,| is much the same with that of 
the Moors, as only differing some small matter in the pro- 

* Note 17. f Note 18. 

I El Arbya or Ai-abic. 


nunciation, so that they understand each other perfectly 

The cattle here (that is to say, camels and sheep) are 
tolerably well fleshed ; which I think to be pretty strange, 
there being but here and there scarce anything of pasture 
to be seen, and that chiefly in and about those places where 
the springs of water rise, and where you may see vast 
herds of those creatures almost continually browzing on a 
long spiry weed, bearing a seed much in colour and taste 
like that we call worm-feed. 

When the natives kill a camel, they make him first kneel 
down on his knees with his nose close to the sand, and then 
they cut his throat in that posture, always beginning to 
take off his skin from the bunch on his back (which is all 
fat) and so downwards. Then they cut him into small long 
pieces, drying all but what they reserve for present use by 
the wind and sun, and then it is hung up in their tents ; 
and though it is not at all salted, yet will it, if kept dry, 
remain good for a long time. In short, their stomachs 
being pretty much upon the cannibal, they are not very 
squeamish, generally (to save themselves the trouble of 
dressing) eating it raw. 

We had with us in this expedition several blacks, and 
amongst them one (a very stout, active, cunning fellow) 
named Bushmough, a native of the Brazils, to whom one 
of the chief men amongst those Laurbs had a very great 
fancy, and was several times very desirous of buying him ; 
and which the negro perceiving, aud seeing the Laurb one 
day coming again with some of his people to our castle, he 
asked me why I did not sell him. " Sell you," replied I, 
" why so ? No, no, Bushmough, by no means." " Fob," 
said he, " sell me for good gold and mutton, and you shall 
see I will be soon with you again." '* Oh but," said I, 
" when once they have got you into their clutches, they will 


not again so soon let you go as you may perhaps imagine ; 
therefore, good Bushmough, be content to remain as you 
are rather than to run any such hazard." "Oh no, no," 
said he, **you need not, as to that, be under the least 
concern ; for you may depend on Bushmough's soon find- 
ing his way back again." Upon which, and on my seeing 
that I could not be at quiet from the Laurb's so pressing 
and frequent importunities, and I having before received 
orders from the Emperor to sell any of the blacks, by way 
of furnishing the army with provisions, I sold him for 
twenty gold ducats (which is just nine pounds English) 
and sixty sheep ; and after I had taken the Emperor's 
clothes off him, and had in lieu thereof given him an old 
blanket, and the money and sheep were delivered to me, 
he was, by his new master, mounted on one of his own 
horses, which I had the day before (by the Emperor's per- 
mission also) sold him, together with several others past 
our service. 

And now is honest Bushmough about to depart with his 
new master, calling to me in Portuguese that I should not 
be under any the least doubt of his honour. For that if he 
could not, according to his inclinations, get off so soon as 
he intended, and I might expect, yet I might depend on his 
coming back so soon as he possibly could. And then the 
Laurb turned about his own horse to be going, looking 
very chary at Bushmough, ordering him to ride on before 
him, and was, no doubt, not a little pleased with his 
bargain, bidding us all farewell ; and Bushmough played 
a thousand antic tricks, as long as he thought himself in 
our sight. 

And now is honest Bushmough gone with his new master, 
with whom we must leave him seven days on hard drudgery, 
he coming back to us again on the eighth, about day-break, 
mounted on one of his master's best horses, and a long lance 

adventuhes of teomas pellow. 123 

on bis Bhoulder, dressed only in a blue sbirt and drawers, 

according to tbe Laurbisb mode, calling to me to be let 

in ; of wbicb I being acquainted, basted as quick as I could 

to receive him, accosting one anotber very friendly, and 

laugbing very beartily ; and after we had laughed our fill, 

I asked him what he thought of tbe gold ducats, and if be 

was not afraid I would keep them for myself. " No, no," 

said be, ** that is tbe least of my fear, I being, if you 

please, determined with myself, that they shall be laid out 

for tbe good of so many of us as you shall think fit ; " 

adding that unless it was my own fault, I should sell 

him again and again. In which, indeed, be was soon 

after as good as bis word, for I sold him again to two other 

several masters, as will be related presently. I inquired of 

him the particulars of this comical adventure ; first asking 

him what reception be had met with there. " What 

reception ? " said he, ** oh, very good, very good ; I was used 

very courteously indeed, and wanted for nothing they had." 

After be bad related to me some of bis pretty pranks 

among bis late owner's household, " Very well," said I, 

" but are you not afraid your old master will be soon here 

again to inquire after you, as you may depend be will ? 

And bow will you manage then ? " To which be (walking 

on tip-toes laughing) told me ** that be would leave that 

to me, and that if I should let him go, it might not be 

in bis power to get bis friends any more gold ducats 

or mutton." Then in an angry tone I told him that 

be was a very pretty fellow, in intending to carry on 

tbe droll further; but I could not forbear laugbing, no 

more than himself, I being really surprised to see tbe 

subtlety of the creature. 

However, I told him in good earnest that be should 

take especial care not to let any of them see his face, 

for that I was very certain that bis late master would 


be again with us very soon ; as indeed he was the 
next morning very early at our gates, inquiring if his 
fugitive was come back : of which Bushmough himself 
brought me the news, running hastily, and saying to me in 
a soft, though pleasant manner, " My old master Laurb is 
come ! my old master Laurb is come ! " " Your old master 
come," said I ; " pray what old master ?" " Why," said he, 
*' I tell you my old master Laurb." " No ! " said L *' Yes, 
indeed," said he, "he is, for I saw him myself with the 
great bush upon his horns." " Very well," said I, " and 
don't you intend to go with him ? " " Oh no, no," said he ; 
*' but you shall see (if you will suffer me to put on a rich 
dress and to mount a good horse) that I will ride out, and 
soon make him glad to depart again without me ; but you 
must be sure to tell him that I am a very near relation to 
the Emperor; which," said he, "will be very pretty, and 
then I will ride out and make some very good pastime." 
Therefore, to try his dexterity, he was soon rigged in a very 
rich dress, a turban on his head, a scimitar by his side, 
a lance in his right hand, and mounted on an exceeding 
fine horse richly accoutered ; and then I, with some others 
of our people, rode out, and Bushmough in the midst of 
us, appearing very grand, bold, and as unconcerned as you 
please ; and after my asking the Laurb what he would 
have, he told me that he was come to inquire after the 
black that we had sold him about eight days ago ; who 
was, he said, gone off in a base manner with his best 
horse and lance, and that he was seen riding that way. 
** Indeed ! " said I, in a seeming surprise ; " but how came 
you to let him go ? Certainly you must have used him 
very ill." " No," said he, " he had all the encouragement 
imaginable." " Oh, the rogue," said I ; "a most un- 
grateful base rogue ! he knew better than to come here. 
I wish I could light on him, that I might make an example 


of the base villain, to the terror of all his countrymen." 
Bushmough was all this while close by the Laurb, whistling 
and behaving after the most unconcerned manner, though 
hearing and understanding our discourse on both sides 
perfectly well ; when casting my eyes round, I soon found 
the Laurb had fixed his on Bushmough, muttering to him- 
self that he thought him extremely like him. 

At which I asked him what was the matter; when he said 
aloud that the black riding the fine horse was very much 
like his, and that had it not been for his rich apparel, and 
grandeur of his fine horse and furniture (by which he 
appeared to be a man of much higher rank), he should 
actually have concluded him to be the same. When I 
telling him in Portuguese what the Laurb said, he 
answered me, "I know it already," still keeping his 
countenance, without the least alteration of temper or 
behaviour, and riding up and down by the Laurb as close 
as he could, till he seemingly agreed that it was not the 
same black, asking if he was to be sold. " Sold ! " said 
I. ** Oh fie, what are you talking of ? " " Why," said he, 
" what harm is in that ? " " Indeed," said I, " the harm is 
not much between us ; yet, as he is a very near relation to 
one of the Emperor's wives, should he know what you said 
of him, he would no doubt be very angry with you ; and, 
as he is a man extremely passionate in his nature, making 
no more of killing a man than looking him in the face, it 
might not only prove of very ill consequence to you, but it 
is even a hundred to one if he did not cut off your head." 
At which he seemed, and was, no doubt, in a very great 
hurry to be gone, and glad if he might depart in a whole 
skin, desiring me not to tell the Emperor's cousin of his so 
scandalous opinion of him, bowing to him with the most 
profound reverence, and Bushmough behaving like the 
Emperor's cousin indeed, not so much as giving him one 


nod in return, but in a scornful manner turned upon him 
his back, soon after laughing very heartily to see, as he 
said, how disconsolate he went off, and how much like a 
fool he departed, throwing himself even in an ecstacy on 
the ground, and crying out, so well as his excessive laughter 
would permit him utterance, ** Laurbs ! Laurbs, Laurbs ! 
Oh, poor silly Laurbs ! " 

Bushmough's first adventure proving so lucky and divert- 
ing, and being finished so well, he had now in a manner 
nothing else to do than to look out sharp for another chap, 
and which indeed he on the second day after had the luck 
to meet with. He running hastily in and telling me that he 
had just then spoke with some gentlemen Laurbs without, 
who had a very great mind to buy him, and that they lived 
in a quite different part of the desert from that of his old 
master, I went out immediately to them and asked what 
they wanted. They told me, to buy the black by my side ; 
and finding them to be very eager for a purchase, I seemed 
altogether as indifferent and unwilling about it, by which 
I screwed them at last to forty gold ducats. There was now 
a dispute between the Laurbs, for some time, which of them 
should have him. However, it was at last agreed by them, 
that as they lived all, as it were, together, they would buy 
him in partnership ; which indeed they did, and honestly 
paid me down the forty ducats for him. 

After he had given me sufficient satisfaction as to his in- 
tentions of coming back (which he hoped would be in three 
or four days at the furthest), he merrily departed with his 
new masters, and was indeed better than his word, he coming 
to us again the next day in good season, and when I again 
asked him concerning his reception with them, he said it 
was not in anywise so agreeable with his inclinations as 
was that of his former masters, there not being, he said, 
so proper objects of his observance; therefore he was 


obliged to remain their debtor, till they were otherwise 
provided better to his mind. " Well, but," said I, " you 
don't, I hope, intend to go back to them, nor again to braze 
it out with these as you did with the former. If you do, 
I think it is high time for you to be dressing, for if I am 
not very much mistaken, I see them coming," pointing with 
my finger at some people I had discovered at a distance ; 
whom Bushmough also discovering, he seemed to be highly 
delighted at it, and turned himself about to be going off ; 
and then I asked him where he was going to. ** Going to ? " 
said he ; " why, going to dress, for they will be soon here," 
intending to play again his old gambol. I told him, " No ; 
for that I thought he had on that subject carried on the 
droll far enough before ; therefore he should, at his perib 
keep himself close within till they had an answer to their 
errand and were again departed." 

However, I kept him in discourse, till the Laurbs 
came so near us that we plainly made them out to 
be the same ; and then Bushmough cried out, " Oh 
yes, yes, they be my second masters indeed," humbly 
desiring me to give him leave to make them some 
pastime, "for that," he said, "was all they were like 
to have for their money, therefore it would be very un- 
conscionable in me to deny it them. However, I still 
persisted in my former resolution, and told him, with 
seeming warmth, that in case he should offer to play any 
further pranks of that nature, I was thoroughly resolved 
to deliver him up to them ; for that I was very certain all 
his art would not be sufficient to conceal from them the 
knowledge of his noble phiz, nor had these masters bonis 
(so far as he could tell of) to stand in their light, as the 
former master's stood in his. So he was at last constrained 
to submit and tarry within, till I had heard the result of 
their message, and given them an answer ; though this, 


I am sure, was very much against his inclination, and he 
would, no doubt, have attempted some prank, had not I, by 
several repeated commands, ordered him to the contrary ; 
and then I rode out with a few of our people, and asked 
them what they wanted. To which they answered me, 
that they wanted the black whom I had sold them the day 
before, and who, they said, ran away from them in a short 
time after they had him at home. " Eun away ! " said I, 
in a seeming surprise ; " I can scarce believe you. Pray 
which way did he run?" "Nay, that," said they, "we 
cannot tell ; however, we thought he might have been come 
hither." "Hither!" said I; "that you know he dared 
not, therefore you only jest with me." 

On which they confirmed it in the most solemn 
manner, assuring me that he was actually run away, 
wringing their hands, and lifting up their eyes together, 
as though they had at once lost all they had. And 
thus they continued to do for two days, still expecting 
his return; when I telling them what countryman he 
was, and that probably he was beating his way home, 
and their provision quite spent, and having no encour- 
agement of getting any more from us, they returned in a 
very heavy and discontented mood without him; which 
Bushmough perceiving, he called after them from the castle 
wall, in Portuguese, " Here he is, here he is ! " though 
this indeed he knew they did not understand. 

And so an end was put to his second adventure, they giving 
him quite over; and he was now at liberty again to look out 
for a third, in which he managed so well, that on the sixth 
day following he got a new chap to purchase him, and I 
sold him for the like sum, viz., forty gold ducats, but again 
charged him on his life to make haste back again ; which, 
if he did not (as we should be soon moving with the 
caravan), we should be obliged to leave him behind us. 


" No, no," said he, " never fear that. Do you but take care 
to set up at night a lighted torch on the top of the castle 
wall, and never fear of my being back again before the 
next daylight." And which, indeed, he was, coming to us 
soon after midnight with two of the Laurbs' muskets, and 
all their ammunition in two leather pouches, stealing with 
them, he said, out of their tent whilst they were sleeping. 
However, they were soon after daybreak back again to our 
castle to inquire after him, sadly lamenting their loss, and 
especially that of their ammunition and arms ; to all which 
we only gave them the hearing, they being at last no 
better off than the others of their brethren had been 
before them. 

And now, after having had sufficient profit and pastime, 
through means of honest Bushmough (though having a 
very great mind to sell himself once more, he did not thinli 
so), and all other matters finished to our satisfaction, we 
packed up our treasure, and in seventy days got safe back 
to Taffilet, making of it a very pleasant journey; which 
I must in a very great measure attribute to the jocular 
behaviour of honest Bushmough, seldom a day passing 
without our meeting some of his old friends, and his sud- 
denly crying out thereon, " The Laurbs ! the Laurbs ! " 
running and skipping in the most comical manner, though 
he had not the pleasure of meeting with any of his old 
masters, which I dare say he of all things desired. Here 
we rested seven days to refresh ourselves and cattle, and 
then we proceeded, and got safe in eleven days more to 
Mequinez, where we were well received by the Emperor, 
sumptuously feasted by his order, and had every man 
twenty ducats ; and then he directly ordered us for our old 
garrisons, with his service to our wives, where we safely 
arrived, after the absence of six months. 

Now am I again at my old sport, and busy killing plenty 



of game, which was but for a very short duration, I being 
all on the sudden soon after hurried away to try my fortune 
in another part of the country, after a more hostile manner; 
for at the end of the sixth week I was expressly ordered by 
the Emperor again to hasten to Mequinez with two hun- 
dred of my men, where I found ready to march, on some 
secret expedition, an army consisting of sixty thousand 
men, horse and foot, commanded by Bashaw Gossoy, with 
whom we were joined, and the next day marched with 
them, our route being, as I then understood, for Binnisness,* 
on the Eiver Wadzeetoont or Eiver of Olives, near the 
borders of the Morocco dominions, and the country of the 
Argireens, on account of their denial of paying the Em- 
peror's agents their respective tributes, which they had 
refused to do for a long time back, after a most insolent 

The first day we marched to Fez, the second to Keessan, 
third to Tessan, I fourth to a skirt of the deserts, and after 
three other days march thereon to Wishaddah,§ a strong 
garrison, to keep the Argireens in awe, and wherein the 
malcontents had as strongly fortified themselves. We 
lying at a convenient distance for the night, our Bashaw 
sent in a messenger the next morning, requiring them to 
surrender the fort to the Emperor's pleasure, and to send 
him out immediately sufficient pledges of their performance. 
To which he was answered, "That they were thoroughly 
resolved to the contrary, and that he should find he had 
not children to deal with." With which answer the mes- 
senger in a very short time returned, and then we were all 
ordered to entrench ourselves. But before we could finish 

* Beni-Snous. 

•f- Wad-el-Zeitoun, a branch of the laser, so called from the great 
quantity of ohves gathered in its vicinity. 

I Tsara, Tezza, or Tazza, still a considerable town and fortress. 
§ Apparently the Hadaha of the old geographers. 


our work, the malcontents sallied forth, in number about 
ten thousand, who discharged their muskets on us, and 
were returning again towards the castle, when six thousand 
more of them within also sallying forth, and joining them, 
they all of them turned upon us again, and there ensjied 
between us a cruel slaughter for the space of three hours,- 
thousauds falling on both sides ; and thus they continued 
by frequent reliefs from the castle, to skirmish with us in 
and out for three days. At they end of which, they (the 
greatest part of them being already, by the force of our 
superior numbers, cut ofiO surrendered to the discretion of 
the Bashaw, Torogolgh their chief, with many others of 
their principals, coming out to him with their excuses, 
presents, and arrears, and amongst the former several very 
fine horses, and a large sum of money for the Bashaw's 
own particular use, and which, no doubt, was sufficiently 
made good to them, by saving some of their lives, though 
some indeed only to live a Httle longer. 

And now am I again at leisure to look about me, as 
indeed it was high time, being grievously wounded in our 
last bloody skirmish by a musket shot lodging in my left 
thigh, the Bashaw receiving another in his arm, much 
about the same time. Mine proved extremely painful to 
me, it being even to the end of the third day before my 
surgeon could conveniently take it out, notwithstanding he 
was a very ingenious man ; and though the remains of our 
army rested there two months, yet could I not ride till just 
before our departure. However, I thought myself to be far 
better off than a great many of our army, we having lost 
therein full fourteen thousand men. 

And now am I travelling back, in a great deal of pain, 
with the remainder of our army for Mequinez, and with 
us forty of the principal rebels in this rebellion, to give 
an account of their behaviour to the Emperor. Being 


brought before him, he forthwith ordered them for execu- 
tion, the victims standing all in a row, and the headsman 
ready with his sword drawn in his hand, only w^aiting the 
word of command, or signal, which being given, he struck 
off seventeen heads at so many strokes, when he was 
ordered to stay his hand, and the other twenty-three were 
pardoned, and sent back to behave with more prudence for 
the future ; and I, after I had recruited the men I had lost 
(in all twenty-six), so fast as I could ride for Tamnsnah, 
and my other three garrisons, getting thither again after 
about three months' absence, finding my family in good 
health, and increased by a brave boy. 

Now am I, after my late skirmishes and sad wound, 
again with my wife and family at Tamnsnah. There I 
happened to remain with them for some considerable time 
in peace and plenty, spending most of my time in my old 
sport in the woods, though I went pretty often to Sallee, 
and where I met with several of my countrymen, with 
whom I soon got well acquainted, yet could not I (although 
I very heartily endeavoured it) meet with any opportunity 
to my mind, wherein I might in any probability make my 
escape ; and for me to make any foolish attempts that way, 
I thought was by far better to let alone. Therefore, after 
making merry with my countrymen sometimes for three, 
four, or five days, I returned to my family and my old 
sport. But as pleasure never comes sincere, a dash of 
water is now thrown into our wine, our son, at the age of 
ten months, dying ; though after this we lived without any 
uneasiness almost to the end of two years, when a 
sudden rumour ran, that the old Emperor was dead, as 
indeed he had been at least two months before, though 
kept private for certain reasons of state, no doubt to 
strengthen the interest of some of the competitors for the 


And here, before we go on to relate what happened on 
the death of the old tyrant, Muley Ishmael, it will not be 
amiss to add some further particulars of his character and 
method of governing. 


The rise of Muley Ismail — His character a mixture of vice and virtue 
and piety and cruelty — How he made himself master of the king- 
dom — He clears the country of robbers — His emi^u-e — His mode 
of government — How the governors of provinces are called to 
account — Degrading ceremonies incumbent on officials before they 
enter the Imperial presence — His supposed sanctity — His severity 
against law-breakers — His disturbed sleep — The terror his atten- 
dants had for telling him whom he had killed — His duel with a 
woman — His Bokhari, or Black Guards — His esteem for them — 
His fickleness — The story of an attempted assassination of him — 
The influence of Maestro Juan over him — His mania for building 
in an economical fashion — His attention to the affairs of State — 
Civil war on his death — The contrast between Muley Hamet Deby 
and his brothers — Character of Muley Hamet — How Mr. Fellow's 
career was influenced by these turmoils. 

THE Emperor came to the throne in the year 1G72, 
upon the death of his brother, Muley Archid,* by 
opposing his nephews, the sons of Muley Archid, being 
then only Alcayde of Mequinez ; but aspiring to the crown, 
be raised what forces he could, and by his courage and 
vivacity, with the help he met with from the Jews, par- 
ticularly Memarran, their governor, who supplied him with 
money to carry on the war, he overcame both his nephews, 
one of whom, Muby Hamet,! being Bashaw of Morocco, at 
his father's dea!h, had caused himself to be proclaimed 
king there, and the other, Muley Aran,! set up in the 
kingdom of Taffilet. 

* Ar'scid or Er-Reschid. f Ahmed. 

I Hharun, sometimes " Hispanised " into AiTani. 


An excessive cruelty, a great capacity, and a perfect 
knowledge of the genius and temper of his people, pre- 
served to this Emperor the throne for so long a space of 
time as fifty-five years, and death alone took it from him. 
By strictly observing, even to the nicest particulars, all the 
ceremonies of the Mahometan religion, he made himself 
respected by his subjects for his virtues, at the same time 
he -was feared for his cruelty and vices. He always 
brought his projects to bear, and if he saw there was 
danger in using violence, he knew how to employ cunning. 
Voluptuous, covetous, passionate, treacherous, more than a 
tyrant, he tamed the natural savageness of his subjects, by 
showing himself still more savage than they. 

After the death of his nephew, Muley Hamet, his cruelty 
began to appear. The first scene of which was acted by 
the side of a river, to which he came with his army, but 
could not pass, where he ordered all the prisoners to be 
killed, and woven into a bridge with rushes, for his army 
to pass over upon. 

In 1678, he made himself master of Taffilet, and three 
years after that took Mamora from the Spaniards, where 
he found eighty-eight pieces of brass cannon, fifteen of 
iron, ammunition of all sorts, more than he had in his 
■whole dominions before, and a great prize of pearls and 
jewels (belonging to merchants who then were in the 
town) fell into his hands. He also took Larach from the 
Spaniards in 1689, clearing all the sea-coast of his terri- 
tory, but Massagan,* Pennon de Velez, and Ceuta, the 
latter of which (though always blockaded with ten thousand 
men, and so stricliy pressed that the Bashaw cannot stir 
from before it without leave from the Emperor) has defied 
all attempts for thirty-four years together. In 1701, he 

* Mazagan, spelt in another page as Marcegouguc. 


fought a battle with the Day of Algiers,* but coming off 
with the worst, a peace was concluded, which has con- 
tinued ever since. 

At the beginning of his reign the roads were so infested 
with robbers that it was dangerous to stir out of the towns 
without being well guarded, but he so well cleared them 
that now it is nowhere safer travelling. 

He maintains his large empire (which consists of several 
kingdoms joined together) in peace and quietness, although 
of so late an acquisition to the family. In his empire is 
contained all that country called by the Eomans Mauritania 
Tingitana, with other provinces to the southward, as far as 
Cape Blanco, where it is bounded by the Negro country, as 
it is northerly by the Mediterranean Sea. It has on the 
east the kingdom of Algiers, and part of the country of 
Bildulgerid, and on the west the main ocean, including the 
kingdoms of Fez, Morocco, Taffilet, Segelmess, Darha, Suz, 
and Tremezen, over which he rules with so severe a hand, 
and has struck such a dread into all men by his terrible 
executions, that none of the remnants of the royal blood of 
the before-mentioned kingdoms or any of his bashaws have 
dared to take up arms against him. All the distm*bance 
he ever met with at home (since his establishment after 
the conquest of his nephew) was the rebellion of his son 
Muley Mahomet, who causing himself to be proclaimed 
King of Morocco, plagued him for some time, but sending 
his son Muley Zidan against him, Muley Mahomet was 
overthrown ; and the Emperor having got him into his 
clutches ordered his right hand and left foot to be cut off, 
after which the prince soon died, not suffering the blood to 
be stopped, but tearing off the plasters. 

His manner of governing is by alcaydes, who have no 

* At Zenboudj-el-Aousat, in the Beni-Amer country, near Tlemcen 
(Tremezen), an arrondissement of the province of Oran. 


commission, but receive their authority only by his saying, 
" Go govern such a country ; be my general or admiral." 
At Court he has five standing officers. They are the Grand 
Mufti, for afifairs of religion ; the chief eunuch, to take care 
of the Seraglio ; a treasurer for his revenue ; the superin- 
tendent of his buildings, and the Bashaw of Mequinez, who 
is the first minister, or supreme alcayd.v, of which there 
are three sorts. The first and chief are those who, in the 
nature of viceroys, are sent to govern the provinces, to 
whom, for their greater honour, is sometimes given the 
title of Bashaws. They have an unlimited power, and it 
matters not how much they tyrannize, if, upon their return 
to Court, they bring riches enough to satisfy the Emperor. 
Another sort are the generals of his armies, and com- 
manders over small parties of horse or foot. The third 
sort are governors of cities or towns, and are either made 
by the Emperor himself, as are the Alcaydes of Morocco, 
Fez, Sallee, and other cities, or by the governors of the 
provinces over small towns and cities. A fourth sort may 
be added, which are titular only, and therefore called 
Alcaydes of their Heads. 

The governors of the provinces are ordered to Court 
every two or three years to render an account of their 
government; that is, to bring the Emperor all that they 
have by an arbitrary and tyrannical power plundered the 
people of ; by which means he gets little less than their 
whole wealth, which never circulates more, but is thrown 
into his treasury, and remains there an unprofitable and 
useless hoard, he never parting with it again upon any 
account whatsoever — for neither his armies, fleet, or build- 
ings cost him anything. When he has occasion to raise 
forces, the alcaydes of the provinces are obliged to find and 
maintain them, each providing for a number in proportion 
to the extent of his government. The ships also that are 


in bis service are fitted out and maintained by tbe alcayde 
of tbe port to -wbicb tbey belong. Nevertbeless be bas balf 
tbe prizes, and takes all tbe slaves, remitting part of bis 
moiety of tbe prize goods in consideration for tbe slaves, 
wbo did not belong to bis sbare. 

Wben tbe alcaydes return from tbeir governments it is 
•witb tbe greatest fear imaginable, as I bave before binted, 
for if tbe Emperor tbinks tbey do not bring bim tbe "wbole 
profits tbereof, but keep sometbing for tbemselves, tbey are 
in danger of being put to some cruel death. Before tbey 
go into bis presence tbey pull off tbeir sboes, put on a 
particular babit tbey bave to denote a slave, and wben 
tbey approach bim fall down and kiss tbe ground at bis 
borse's feet. If be speaks to them, tbey bend forward and 
bold tbeir beads a little on one side in token of offering 
tbeir life, wbicb great degree of subjection proceeds partly 
from fear and partly from superstition, for tbey believe 
bim to be the true branch of the Xeripbian * family, wbo 
draw their descent from the prophet Mahomet, and there- 
fore think he was particularly favoured by Heaven, and 
could do nothing amiss, but imagined all wbo died by bis 
band went to Paradise ; in which opinions he confirmed 
them by a long continuance of tyrannical power, by artifice 
and by hypocrisy, never doing anything of consequence 
without first falling down upon the ground with his face 
close to tbe earth for a considerable time, making believe 
that be then received inspiration and directions from God, 
or Mahomet (for which purpose be bad a great number of 
praying places contrived in different part?, not unlike niches 
laid horizontally in tbe ground), and that be performed the 
will of God in everything he did. 

The Emperor certainly punished all breakers of their law 
witb great severity, and carried bis hypocrisy so far that it 
* Shereefian is the more general spelling. 


-was the most religious age that ever -was in Barbary by the 
King's example, whose commands were esteemed sacred, for 
the least breach of which he had often inflicted the severest 
death ; so that what from the dread of punishment and the 
opinion the people are brought up in, no prince was better 

He was an early riser, whether from his natural dis- 
position, or the horror of the many murders, exactions, and 
cruelties he had committed on his poor subjects and slaves, 
I cannot determine ; but those who have been near him 
■when abroad in camps (for in his palace he was waited on 
by women, young wenches, and eunuchs, who dare not tell 
iales), report that his sleep was very much disturbed and 
full of horror, when, starting on a sudden, he has been 
heard to call upon those he had murdered, and sometimes 
awake he used to ask for them whom he had killed but the 
day before ; and if any of the standers-by answered, " He is 
dead," he presently replied, " Who killed him?" To which 
they answered, " They did not know, but supposed God 
killed him," unless they had a mind to follow. 

I have heard he used once to call often on Hameda, a 
great favourite of his, when he was walking alone, and 
nobody could be supposed to hear him. This Hameda was 
the greatest favourite he ever had ; he was the son of the 
guardian of the slaves, and came a boy into the Emperor's 
army, when he was besieging his cousin Muley Hamet in 
Terudant, and doing some action before him he took notice 
of him and gave him a horse. The man still continued 
to do good things, and being a merry buffoon fellow the 
Emperor grew into great familiarity with him, insomuch 
that he could take the liberty to go into his gardens when 
he was with his women, which no man ever did before or 
since. He had the title of Bashaw by way of pre-eminence 
above all other bashaws. The Emperor used passionately 


to tell him that be could never be beartily angry witb bim, 
and that it was impossible be sbould be provoked to kill 
bim. And it was tbougbt be did not design to do it when 
be gave bim so many blows with the butt-end of bis lance, 
that be died of them the next day. The Emperor after- 
wards showed a great deal of sorrow at it, confessed be 
repented of what be had done, sent bim and his physicians 
a bag of money, and desired him to live. 

As soon as his first prayer was over, which was before 
the morning star disappeared, be used to go to bis works, 
which were of a vast extent within the walls of bis palace. 
There the poor people (whether Christians, negro slaves, 
boys who attended bim, alcaydes, or overseers of the 
works), all tasted of bis anger in their turns, beating, 
killing, or giving good words, according to the humour be 
was in. This was one of bis top pleasures ; in some of 
these places and never within bis palace he gave audience 
to ambassadors, conversed sometimes sitting on the corner 
of a wall, walked often, and sometimes worked. 

In the year 1690, before be was master of Sabra,* there 
came a woman from that people to him, who, bearing of 
ber coming, went to meet her on horseback, at the head of 
twenty thousand men. She told bim the people of Sabra 
were desirous to put themselves under bis protection, but 
that be must fight her at lance-play, if be bad a mind to 
have her, at once the pledge of their fidelity and the prize 
of his victory. She set him bard at first, but afterwards 
suffered herself to be overpowered, was put among the rest 
of bis women, and troops were sent to protect the frontiers 
of Sabra. 

When he was abroad, there used to be carried after him 
a stool, a kettle of water, and a skin, which was bis table- 
cloth. This belonged to bis eating. And if be was out at 
* The Sahara, or desert country to the south. 


dinner time, his dinner was carried after him upon the 
head of a negro, in a great wooden or copper vessel, which 
he did not take from his head till the Emperor asked for 
it. The manner of his eating did not differ from the 
ordinary Moors. His other travelling utensils were two or 
three guns, a sword or two, and two lances, because one 
broke once as he was murdering. Both the swords and 
lances were carried with their points upwards. These 
were all carried by lusty fellows ; his boys carried short 
Brazil sticks, knotted cords for whipping, a change of 
clothes to shift when bloody, and a hatchet, two of which 
he took in a Portuguese ship, and the first time they were 
brought to him, killed a negro without any provocation, to 
try if they were good. 

Although the natives of his dominions are whites, yet 
they are not so much esteemed by him as the blacks and 
the copper-coloured, to whom he commits the guard of his 
person, and was so fond of their breed, that he took care 
to mix them himself, by matching them to the best-com- 
plexioned of his female subjects." 

Thus he took care to lay the foundation of his tawny 
nurseries, to supply his palace as he wanted, into which 
they were admitted very young, are taught to worship and 
obey that successor of their Prophet, and being nursed in 
blood from their infancy, become the executioners and 
ministers of their wrath, whose terrible commands they 
put in execution with as much zeal and fury as if they had 
received them immediately from Heaven. Their manner 
was — as soon as the word came out of his mouth — to seize 
on the wretch ordered for execution like so many lions, 
whom, if he was not to be executed on the spot, they 
almost tore to pieces before he got to the place of execution; 
and by the fury of their looks, and their violent and savage 

* Note 20. 


manner of using him, made a scene very much resembling 
the picture of so many devils tormenting the damned. 
They were so ready to murder and destroy — even while 
young — that the Alcaydes trembled at the very sight of 
them, and the Emperor seemed to take a great deal of 
pleasure, and placed much of his safety in them, for they 
surrounded him almost wherever he was. They are of all 
ranks and degrees ; some were the sons of his chief Al- 
caydes, others picked up by chance, or taken from a large 
negro town joining to Mequinez,* which the Emperor had 
filled with families of blacks and tawnies for his use. If 
they were well looked and strong, they needed no other 
quality ; some who had relations that were able were fed, 
clothed, and lodged by them ; others who had not were 
lodged in the outskirts of the palace, in great rooms, 
where they pigged an hundred or two together. They 
wore only a short and small coat without sleeves, which 
did not reach to their knees ; their heads were shaved and 
always exposed to the sun, for he affected to breed them 
hard. Most, and sometimes all of them, were employed 
in his buildings, where they took off their clothes, and 
laying them all in a heap, every one took a basket and 
removed earth, stones, or wood ; when they had done, he 
ordered them to go to his Jew and receive so much soup ; 
the next day they appeared gay and under arms. 

He beat them in the cruelest manner imaginable, to try 
if they were hard ; sometimes you should see forty or fifty 
of them all sprawling in their blood, none of them daring 
to rise till he left the place where they were lying, and if 
they were discountenanced and out of heart at this usage, 
they were of a bastard breed, and must turn out of his ser- 
vice. I never heard that he killed but three of them, one for 
a heinous crime, and two for hiding a piece of bread in the 
* Close to the Jews' quarter, but now dismantled. 


hole of a wall, which it was supposed they could not eat, 
for they are great reverencers of bread, and take up (as all 
Mahometans do) the least crumb, wherever they find it, 
and kiss it. When they wanted clothes, the Emperor 
thought of somebody that had too much money, either 
Moor or Jew, and bade them go to him, and receive each a 
coat or shirt. 

They were generally about eight hundred in all, who 
lived with him in a sort of subordination to one another ; 
several had the names of Alcaydes, as the chief of them 
who waited on the Emperor's person; others were made 
overseers of some task or work the Emperor had ordered 
them to finish ; some he made perpetual Alcaydes over a 
certain number of his companions, and such a one was to 
answer for the rest, as to their diligence, cleanly and good 
deportment in all particulars ; and it was wonderful to see 
the indolence, state, and gravity of these young rogues, 
and how they aped the old Emperor in their way of 
government ; for though they could only inflict blows, 
yet they used the haughty phrases of command, and 
talked of cutting throats, strangling, dragging, and so 

The first mark of their preferment, after they were 
grown too big to serve the Emperor in this nature, was 
giving them a horse — a horseman being in the highest 
esteem imaginable among them, and the foot the contrary, 
insomuch that those who commanded thousands of them 
were not esteemed equal to the commanders of fifty horse. 
Then the Emperor either recommended them to some of 
his Bashaws or great Alcaydes employed against the 
Christians, or the Berebbers that inhabit the mountains, 
or kept them near him, and then they were ready to be 
entrusted with all important messages, as to carry the 
Emperor's letter of thanks to any officer who served him 


well, or to call him cuckold, spit in his face, give him a 
box on the ear, strangle, or cut off his head. 

When they had waited a considerable time, if no com- 
mands or government became vacant, he sent them to 
gather the tribute of some country, with the title of an 
Alcayde ; and if any remained by him without any em- 
ployment after performing this service, he was called 
Alcayde of his head, which was a sort of an Alcayde titular 
or Eeforme, as I have noted above. But perhaps the 
Emperor suspected that he had put something more in his 
pocket than ordinary, then he bid him build houses of such 
or such dimensions, and that he might seem something 
more reasonable than the Egyptian taskmasters, used to bid 
him take his lime and stone. The poor man begins with 
a good heart, and when he has spent all, despair forces 
him to go to the Emperor, and tell him he is not worth 
one farthing more, lest he should find his work standing 
still, and bury him alive in one of the walls. The Emperor 
then used to pick a quarrel with him, cut him with his 
sword, wound him with his lance, or take off his clothes, 
all but his drawers, give him five hundred blows on the 
buttocks, put him in prison, or load him with two great 
chains, and send him to labour at the house he was 
building, and ordered somebody else to finish it. Now you 
must know the Emperor never beat a man soundly, but 
the man was in the high way of preferment, and it was ten 
to one but His Majesty passing by him in chains a few 
days after, and finding him in a sad pickle, he called him 
his dear friend, uncle, or brother, and inquired how he 
came into that condition, as if he knew nothing of the 
matter, sent for a suit of his own clothes (which was a 
great compliment), made him as fine as a prince, and sent 
him to govern some of his great towns ; for by this means 
he was sure he had not left him worth a groat, and made 


a careful computation of what be might get in his govern- 
ment, till it was his turn to be squeezed again. 

They tell a story of a Spaniard who was esteemed a 
good marksman, and bribed to shoot the Emperor : he so 
missed his aim, that the two balls he had charged his gun 
with, flew into the pommel of the Emperor's saddle. The 
man was immediately seized, and when it was expected he 
would be put to a cruel death, the Emperor first reproached 
him with his base design, asking him what he had done to 
deserve being used so, whether he was no more beloved, 
and people were tired with him ; then calmly sent him 
to the works among the rest of the Christians. The 
Spaniard, fearing he should not come off so, and thinking 
it a means (if there was any) to get his liberty again, 
turned Moor, but continued in his Christian habit. Some 
years after, the Emperor, going among the workmen 
where he was, asked him why he did not pull off his hat. 
He answered, he was a Moor ; and the Emperor, being 
informed who he was, ordered him to be freed immediately, 
asked him a thousand pardons for keeping him at work so 
long, dressed him from head to foot, and made him a 
governor of some country. 

A little more or less this was the treatment of his 
grandees : to-day hugged, kissed, and preferred ; to-morrow 
stripped, robbed, and beaten. Many of the people about 
him bore the marks of his sword, lance, or short sticks : 
and the face and arms of the negro who carried his 
umbrella when Captain Norbury was there, was scarred all 
over with cuts that the Emperor had given him, it was 
supposed, for letting the sun come upon him ; for he was 
exceeding nice in his tyranny, and when he had done with 
his lance, he darted it suddenly into the air, and it must 
be caught before it comes to the ground, or he would kill 
the man appointed for that purpose. 



If he chanced to kill anybody when he had not 
determined their death — as it frequently happened — he 
civilly begged their pardon, and said he did not design to 
kill that poor man, and laid the fault on God, saying his 
time was come, the powers above would have it so. 

If he designed the death of a Christian whom he cared 
not to pardon, he shut the gates of his palace, that 
Maestro Juan should not come ; for it was very singular 
that this Maestro Juan, a Christian slave of Catalonia, by 
his good works, temper, and sincerity wrought so much 
upon the Emperor, that he once swore he would never see 
him but he would give him something, and that he should 
never ask him anything but he would grant it ; and that, 
being desirous to keep his word, made him fear that Juan 
should come to beg such a man's life ; nay, sometimes 
having seen him first, he cried out he must give him 
something, for he had seen him. 

The Emperor was wonderfully addicted to building ; yet 
it is a question whether he was more addicted to that, or 
pulling down ; for they said if all his buildings were now 
standing, by a moderate computation they would reach to 
Fez, twelve leagues off. And those who had been near 
him since the beginning of his reign, have observed him 
eternally building and pulling down, shutting up doors and 
breaking out new ones in the walls. But he told them 
this was done to occupy his people. " For," said he, "if 
I have a bag full of rats, unless I keep that bag stirring 
they would eat their way through." He also dug many 
strange caverns in the earth of all sizes, some for corn, 
others for powder, arms, brimstone, and money, of which 
latter it is suspected he left no witnesses, when finished. 

The Emperor never parted with any money, to defray 
the expenses of war or building, and caused his large and 
magnificent palace to be erected, without expending a 


blankill towards it. But instead of money he gave the 
Alcayde of his buildings a government ; which then was 
all that country lying between Mequinez and Tremezen, a 
large tract of ground, and a very fruitful soil ; but con- 
sidering the continual employment and unlimited expenses 
which his office obliged him to, it was thought he could 
not get anything for himself, more than what sufficed for 
his maintenance. 

Although this Emperor had eight thousand wives, nine 
hundred sons, and about three hundred daughters, yet he 
was always attentive to the affairs of the State, and never 
committed the care of it out of his own hands. 

Muley Hamet Deby,* one of his sons, whom he had 
designed for his successor, hearing of his father's illness, 
came with all despatch from Tedla (where he resided) to 
Mequinez, to see him. It was not but with much difficulty 
that he got the liberty of speaking to him, and he was at 
last but badly received. The father, persuaded that interest 
rather than affection was the motive of this visit of his 
son's, told him to moderate his eagerness for the crown ; 
but the son protested to his father, that the pleasure of 
seeing him was the only motive of his coming. 

Hamet Deby found, by the condition in which he saw 
his father, and from the opinions of the physicians, that 
he could not live long, he therefore took all possible 
methods to prevent disturbances, and to assure himself of 
the crown ; for he had many rivals for it, and amongst 
others two of his brothers, Muley Abdallah, and Muley 
Abdemelick,t who was accounted one of the most able 
generals in the kingdom. These had all been secretly 
making great preparations ; but Deby had, by his prudence 
and vigilance, disconcerted all their measures. He had 
brought with him only a thousand men, but as soon as he 
* Afterwards Ahmid (Hamid) IV. Ed-dehebL f Abd-el-Malek. 


knew of the different parties which were forming in the 
kingdom, he drew from the provinces of his jurisdiction 
five hundred foot more, and six hundred horse, whom 
causing to enter privately in the night into Mequinez, he 
seized upon all the advantageous posts therein, and obliged 
the governor to render to him an oath of fidelity. During 
this, the disorder of the Emperor Muley Ishmael, together 
with his great age, put an end to his life the 22nd of March, 
1727, in the 81st year of his age.* 

The moment his death was known, all the inhabitants of 
Mequinez retired every one to their houses, abandoning all 
the public works on which Muley Ishmael had unprofit- 
ably kept them incessantly employed. The same day the 
Bashaw Mesael presented the keys of the city to Muley 
Hamet Deby, who, without losing any time, went to take 
possession of the palace, and the apartment of his deceased 
father. He ordered him to be buried in the night, in a 
place he himself had fixed on, and gave orders for erecting 
a monument over him, according to the fashion of that 
country, viz., a large tower, on the summit of which were 
placed five balls of gilt copper. 

The measures which Deby had taken were not useless. 
The very day that the death of his father was made public, 
he was acknowledged by the inhabitants of Mequinez as 
King of Morocco, notwithstanding the attempts made to 
defeat it by his brother Muley Abdallah; who being in- 
formed of all that passed by his mother, waited in vain for 
a favourable opportunity of having himself proclaimed 
King ; and with this design he drew together some troops 
in the neighbourhood of Mequinez, expecting that seven 
thousand men in the city, who had promised to espouse his 
part, would come and join him. But the vigilance of Deby, 
and the zeal of the Bashaw Mesael, hindered these from 

* Note 22. 


putting their design into execution ; so that the troops 
which were with Ahdallah seeing this reinforcement did not 
join them, abandoned that prince, leaving only sixteen 
borse with him. This desertion entirely ruined his affairs ; 
so that to save his life he fled to a sanctuary. Deby 
caused him to be sought for, and learning that he had 
taken refuge at Fez, in the Mosque of Mulej Idris, which 
is held in great veneration by all the Mahometans, he 
caused it to be told that prince, that he might with all 
safety repair to Court, giving him his solemn oath that he 
would neither hurt him, nor any that should accompany 
him. Ahdallah trusting to the King's promise, went to pay 
his respects to him. Hamet received him with kindness, 
and having pardoned him and embraced him, gave him, as 
a token of his friendship, a very fine horse, most richly 
caparisoned. It was by this act of generosity that Deby 
signalized the day of his coronation, the ceremony of 
which was performed in the Mosque of the great Seraglio. 

The principal officers of the Army of the Blacks assem- 
bled together, crying out, " Long live the King ! " and 
threatening death and destruction to every one who would 
not acknowledge him. Hamet Deby went out from the 
palace, to hear what they had to say. They told him they 
were deputed by the Army of the Blacks to assure him they 
were ready to execute his orders, and if necessary to shed 
their blood in his service. The King was so pleased with 
this deputation, that he gave these officers two hundred 
and twenty thousand ducats to distribute among the Black 
Army, and ordered that they should march immediately 
against the Alarbes of the province of Duquela, who had 
not acknowledged him. 

The deputies immediately returned to their camp, pitched 
about six leagues from Mahmora, and distributed among 
the soldiers their shares in the Kind's liberalitv ; so that 


the whole army were eager to march on the expedition they 
were ordered upon. 

The Alarbes * did not let themselves be surprised. 
Hearing of the march of the Blacks, they prepared them- 
selves for an engagement. The two armies soon came 
within sight of each other. The Blacks resolved to attack 
the Alarbes in their camp, which was entrenched by camels 
and other animals, lying down. However odd such a 
fortification might appear, it was not without a great deal 
of trouble that the Blacks could force it. Both sides fought 
with great fury ; at length the Blacks, equal in courage to 
the Alarbes, and superior in numbers and discipline, gained 
a signal victory. Sixteen thousand of the Alarbes were 
cut in pieces, with the loss only to the victors of fourteen 
hundred men killed, and sixteen hundred wounded. The 
loss of this battle prevented the provinces, who had taken 
part with the Alarbes, from continuing in their revolt. The 
Black Army overran them in fifteen daj^s, without meeting 
with any considerable resistance. At length the Alarbes, 
having desired a suspension of arms, submitted to the 
clemency of the King ; who, though he gave them a pardon, 
did, notwithstanding, give secret orders to his generals to 
drain the riches of these rebellious provinces, without, 
however, depopulating them. And these orders were indeed 
punctually executed, being highly agreeable to their natural 

The first certain intelligence I had of the advancement 
of Muley Hamet Deby to the throne, was by Alcayde 
Larbeet Benabbo Woldernjottlee,! then head governor of 
that province ; who, with 1£00 horse, came one morning 
within musket-shot of my castle ; to whom I sent one of 
my people, to know his pleasure, and to tell him, that in 
case he had anything to say to me he should advance with 
* Arabs. f El' Arby Beu Abou Gold Enjiotlee. 


a few only to the foot of the wall, and let me know it ; but 
if he, on the contrary, persumed to draw his main body 
on any farther, I should be obliged to fire upon them. 
And which he well knowing to be my positive orders, and 
that I would actually have performed it, he came with a 
very few, and told me, that the old Emperor was actually 
dead, and that Muley Hamet Deby was, by the general 
consent of the Black Army, proclaimed at Mequinez in his 

This Muley Hamet was a man of a most generous, though 
very sottish nature, being almost ever drunk, giving the 
Blacks a great deal of gold, and many other valuable 
presents, insomuch that their hearts were for the present 
entirely his. The governor advising me to go directly to 
him, and submit myself to his will, telling me that he 
thought it in all likeliliood to be by far the better and safer 
course ; and which I also thinging to be so, I (after giving 
my people very strict charge concerning the garrison) 
accordingly did, the governor going also with me ; and we 
were both of us very kindly received by him, and I directly 
ordered back, and again to return with all my men. 

And now am I soon about to leave my old, so much 
beloved habitation, for such as my future chance might 
happen to allot for me ; and after bidding adieu to all 
my rural diversions, and merry-makings thereabout, and 
settling my garrisons under the care of the country people, 
who had been trained up to arms, much in like nature of 
our trained-bands, we departed together after a very dis- 
consolate manner, though we got all well to Mequinez, and 
were by the new Emperor all most kindly received, and 
each man immediately presented with new clothes, fire 
arms and swords. 

Here we stayed about four days ; then we were sent to 
Hartan, a castle about six miles out of the city, where the 


ambassadors of foreign princes generally lodge at night, 
before they make their public entrance into Mequinez ; 
■where we stayed six days, and then were sent to the castle of 
Agoory, and from thence, after having been there two 
months, to the siege of old Fez, the inhabitants there and 
thereabout, on the death of the old Emperor, throwing off 
all future allegiance to any of his successors, as thinking 
themselves thereby entirely delivered from their so long 
grevious bondage, now acknowledging no lawful king, killing 
Alcayde Boel le Eosea,* their old Governor, boiling his 
flesh, and many, through spite, eating thereof, and throw- 
ing what they would not eat of it to the dogs, killing also 
thirty-six of his head servants, whom they said had also 
committed many insolencies against them. All which 
coming to the Emperor's ears, he forthwith ordered an 
army, consisting of one hundred and twenty thousand men, 
horse and foot, to be in readiness to march from Mequinez 
against them, myself and all my men being of the number; 
and it being but twelve leagues, we marched the first day to 
Emhaddumah, and the next, in good season, to the walls 
of the city, where we entrenched ourselves. Here we had 
shrewd skirmishing with the malecontents in and out for 
forty-eight days, and during which were slain on both sides 
many thousand men ; when Muley Mustada, one of the 
Emperor's brothers, arrived at our camp with a commission 
from him to offer the malecontents quarter on the following 
easy conditions, viz., that they should immediately sur- 
render, and promise to him future obedience ; on which he 
■was ready to pardon them for all that was past. These 
terms, indeed, they accepted of, though I think I never saw 
anything of that nature accepted with so much seeming 
indifference, they bringing him out only such presents to be 
carried back to his brother as they pleased. 

* Al Kaid Bou el Roseo. 


And now we were all ordered to march back again to 
Mequinez ; and though I lost in this expedition several of 
my men, yet did I, as to my own part, escape for this bout 
unwounded, as indeed I did soon after in an affair of a far 
more dangerous though quite different nature ; and which, 
I hope, will be by all allowed to be a very extraordinary 
providence, and which I shall, after I have finished the 
small remainder of my present expedition, give you a 
particular account of. During our stay at Old Fez, came 
Captain Russel to New Fez, who lodged there a night or 
two, visited our army, then went to Mequinez, and in a 
little time redeemed the few English captives then there.* 

* Note 21. 


Mr. Fellow makes a determined attempt to escape from Morocco — He 
succeeds in reaching Mazagan, then in the possession of the 
Portuguese — He unfortunately, however, mistakes the Moorish 
outposts for the Christian, and is seized and sent to Azamoor — 
He is thrown into a dimgeon and is threatened with execution — 
A friend saves him, and he is able to reach his family in Agoory — 
The revolt of the Black Army — The author takes part in the 
Siege of Fez — He is sent to Sallee to bring new carriages for the 
field-guns — Arrived thei'e, he plots another attempt at freedom — 13 
betrayed by another Christian renegado— He saves himself with 
diflficulty, and abandoning the plan returns to Fez with the gun 
carriages — Is well received by Muley Hamet — The author is 
wounded, and while thinking of returning to his wife and 
daughter hears of the death of both. 

AND now I am soon about to give a relation of my so 
wonderful preservation ; for I had just returned with 
the remains of our army to Mequinez, received of the 
Emperor twelve ducats, and ordered back to my wife at 
Agoory (where I found I was very likely to be exempted 
from any of their bloody actions for some time), before 
my mind ran altogether upon escape ; and after I had 
with myself agreed on the means, which was to go first 
for Sallee, and if I could not to my mind speed there, to 
travel on toMarcegongue* to the Portuguese garrison there, 
if I could bring it to pass, several to my knowledge having 
before made their escapes that way — as indeed so should I 

* Mazagan, 


row, had I not most unhappily precipitated myself into the 
enemies' hands. 

For as I could find no ship at Sallee, I travelled 
on to Marcegongue, -which is about three days and a 
half's journey further to the southward, and where the 
fourth following night I got without any accident, and, to 
my most unspeakable joy, even close home, or within a 
hundred yards at the utmost, of the castle walls. And 
here we may soon see the lubricity of mundane affairs ; 
for I was, even in the height of this my excessive joy, laid 
hold on by four Moors, who had that night been upon the 
plunder in the gardens, but had been disturbed therein by 
the Portuguese sentinels. But the night being excessive 
dark and windy, they in a narrow passage between two 
garden walls ran right against me ; and laid fast hold 
of me. When I telling them I was a Christian (as sup- 
posing them to be some of the Portuguese, a very un- 
happy mistake) I was carried by them in a little time 
back to their main guard, and confined in irons, and 
early the next morning conducted by a strong party 
of them to Assamoore, a town to the northward of 
Marcegongue about five leagues ; and where, after being 
severely handled by them, I was carried before Simmough 
Hammet Beorsmine,* their then commanding officer, 
(Ellemensore,f their Governor, being, on account of the 
people's rising against him, fled to the Emperor for assist- 
ance), who ordered the Moors to put me in prison till his 
return, when he told them I should be very severely pun- 
ished. " "\Then he returns," said they, '* who can tell how 
long that may be, or if it may be ever; for if he meets 
with his reward, the Emperor will there cut off his head, 
and therefore this fellow shall be put to death directly." 
" No," said Beorsmine, " I tell you he shall not now, neither 
* Si Mohammed Smtlhyn ? f El Mansoor. 


shall he be at all till the Governor's return, and which may 
be sooner than now you imagine." Upon which they cried 
out I was a Christian, and about to make my escape to 
Christian-land. To which the Governor made them no 
answer, neither had they the power to tell him that they 
had it from my own mouth, at their first surprising me. 
However, it was at last agreed between the Governor and 
them, that I should be kept till their next market-day, when 
I should be put to death in the market-place ; and as that 
would be on the next Thursday, and it being then Sunday, 
it could not make any difference, and during that time the 
neighbourhood might be acquainted with it, and come in 
and see the execution. 

And now am I, as any may suppose, under a most 
grievous agony, the next Thursday being the peremptory 
day fixed for my execution ; and for their better securing 
me, I was directly guarded away by a multitude of those 
bloodthirsty villains, and put into a very deep and dark 
dungeon, there to be kept without any allowance from them 
besides bread and water, though the Governor sent me in 
the evening a servant (in whom he could confide) with some 
meat, and to tell me that I should not be under any appre- 
hension of danger from the mob, for that he had truly 
considered my case, and that he would deliver me from 
their rage, even to the hazard of his own life. And this 
he, by his servant, repeated twice every day, till the ap- 
pointed day for my execution came. And when he early 
brought me my breakfast that same morning (to which I 
then had but little stomach) he told me that I should not 
despair, for that his master still continued his friendly 
resolutions towards me, and that he was very well assured 
he would deliver me out of their hands, for that he had 
often told him so in the most positive manner. 

This, I must own, moderated my fear in some measure ; 


but as it was but the promise of an infidel, and at second 
hand, which made it the more uncertain, how could I 
otherwise choose but be still under a very great agony, as 
indeed I really was, and more so, when about ten o'clock 
these bloodthirsty villains came, hauled me out of my 
dungeon, and led me through the street to the market- 
place, being attended by an insolent mob, still increasing 
as we went, so that by the time we got to the market- 
place, which was sufficiently crowded by the barbarians, 
to feast their eyes with the blood of an innocent Christian, 
I was almost ready to expire. And now, notwithstanding 
I saw Simmo Hammet * amongst them as indeed, I 
did from the moment of my being first hauled out of my 
prison, yet could not I help, at sight of a long murdering 
knife in the hand of the executioner, being stricken with 
a very great terror. Nay, so great indeed, as is scarce 
possible to be here expressed. For though Simmo Hammet 
had faithfully promised me all the assistance in his 
power, yet was it at such a time very much to be doubted 
if that power would be sufficient to save my life, and 
especially as I was exposed to the rage of an insolent 
mob ; who, though they be in some cases accounted good 
servants, yet are they, I think, on the other hand (like 
wind, fire, and water), bad masters ; therefore I expected 
nothing less than death. The executioner had now his 
knife ready in his right hand, and with his left hand 
had taken fast hold of my beard, the better to hold back my 
head to cut my throat, when my guardian angel stepped 
forth, and took the knife out of his hand ; and which, 
had not he done that very instant, he would, no doubt, 
therewith have soon taken from me the small remainder 
of life that was left in me, without any addition to my 
pain. For, in short, had he then cut my throat, I was 

♦ " Si" Mohammed, — the namesons of the Prophet having always 
this honorary prefix. . 


before so much stricken with the thoughts of immediate 
death, that I should not have felt it ; and though I had 
seen death before in so many various shapes, yet could 
not I then for my life behave with better courage. 

And now is there a very hot dispute between the mob, 
whether I should die or not being the question ; insomuch, 
that had not Simmo Hammet procured a good party from 
the neighbouring parishes, it would in all likelihood 
(notwithstanding his office) have gone very hard with 
me. However, it was at last agreed by all of them that 
I should be again sent back to my dungeon, and there 
to remain till the next market day, and which they plainly 
told the Governor should actually be my last. Therefore 
I should not feed myself with vain hopes and fancies, for 
that it should not then be in the power of him or any- 
body else to prevent it. 

But, on the other hand, I was by the Governor alto- 
gether as much encouraged, and plainly told not to 
despair, for that he would deliver me out of their 
hands, even to the hazard of his own life ; and lest 
they might offer me any foul play in my prison, he 
solemnly promised me that he would order a good look- 
out about it. Which you may imagine, as I had hitherto 
found him so punctual to his honour, made my imprison- 
ment much more supportable, though I was again the 
next market day hauled by the mob to the market-place, 
and by my guardian angel again brought back, as indeed 
I was a third time. After which he came that night to 
my dungeon, desiring me to be of good courage, for that 
I should no more be hurried by the mob to the market- 
place ; that he expected Elemensore's return in a very 
little time, which he said (as he understood he had been 
very favourably received by Muley Hammet Deby) he 
hoped it would be to his satisfaction, as well as that of 


all his friends. However, it was to the full expiration 
of two months before he came, and then he came with 
sufficient strength indeed, and in open daylight delivered 
me from my nasty prison, and set me again at liberty to 
depart where I would, out of the reach of my cruel 
persecutors. And as I had promised them, upon my 
honour, to return again to Agoory, so I did, and got 
thither again (even beyond my own expectation) after 
the absence of about four months. And, what I was 
much surprised at, I never once heard the least syllable 
from the Emperor concerning this my attempt to escape. 

Now am I, instead of entering the walls of Marcegongue, 
returned safe to my family at Agoory : and which, though 
quite the reverse of my intentions, yet must I ever 
acknowledge it to be, even in the highest degree, very 
extraordinarily providential, and what I could never have 
expected. But I never told my wife the least word of this 
affair. Whilst I was in the middle of these reflections, 
I received an account from Mequinez, that the Black 
Army had all of them revolted from Muley Hammet Deby, 
in favour of Muley Abdemelick, and that they had sur- 
prised Muley Hammet in his own house, keeping him 
there, under a very strict guard, close prisoner, and, as 
most thought, very sufficiently guarded, though he found 
means to escape. And Abdemelick, though he was then 
at Terridget,* and it was six weeks before he came, yet 
he was immediately proclaimed Emperor of Mequinez, 
with the general approbation ; and after, at his coming, 
no less received. The first thing he did was a bloody, 
and I think most unaccountable, revenge on Muley 
Hammet' s servants, putting so many of them as he 
could light on instantly to death, sending me with four 
hundred hght horse to the castle of Tessout, about two 

* Terrijet. 


days' journey short of Morocco, there to join some other 
troops, to cover and demand the Emperor's dues. And 
this, though my heart was with Muley Hammet, I was 
directly obHged to do. On our first coming thither we 
were received by the inhabitants in seeming friendship, 
but soon finding them beginning to play tricks with us, 
as allowing us no more than half a pint of flour a day 
for two men, and using us thus for seven days, and 
stripping our people going out singly to fish in their 
rivers. This not in the least pleasing us, and knowing 
it in our own power to redress our own grievances, we soon 
made such reprisals as our necessities required, and they 
deserved, killing about eighteen of them, and they seven 
or eight of us ; and had not Bashaw Belide Shawey 
suddenly alarmed us that Muley Hammet Deby was 
within a day or two's journey of us with thirty horse 
only, again going back to try his fortune at Mequinez, 
we should soon have taught them better manners. On 
which we left them and went directly to him, and marched 
with him to Mequinez, where he expected sufficient forces 
ready to receive him, and where, indeed, the Black Army, 
who were all again revolted from Muley Abdemelick to 
him, and all encamped without the walls of the city, 
waited his coming, Muley Abdemelick being within with 
most of the citizens, making what defence they could to 
keep him out. But at the end of forty-eight hours, or 
thereabout, Muley Hammet's forces, still increasing, got 
in, and, after a faint resistance, put vast numbers of them 
to the sword, and him again in possession of the city. 
But as to Muley Abdemelick, he was obliged to seek 
further after before he could find him, he being with a 
few fled thence through a by-gate in the night-time, as 
was rumoured, to Old Fez. And which, indeed, proved 
to be true, though on confirmation of this report, and of 


his being there well received, he was, by a body of Muley 
Hammet's army, consisting of sixty thousand men, soon 
followed, costing much blood, time, and expense before 
we could get him thence. 

Now am I one in the above number before Old Fez, 
Abdemeleck being within strongly fortified, resolutely 
resolved and well provided, bravely defending himself 
six months and fourteen days, and during which scarce 
a day passed without skirmishing and much slaughter on 
both sides. But I am, to my very great satisfaction, 
even to the middle of the siege, unwounded, and sent 
very unexpectedly (though to my great content) to Sallee 
with a few of my men, there to forward, with all possible 
expedition, the making new carriages for our field pieces, 
the old ones being, through the so frequent shocks of such 
weighty and high-metalled cannon (thirty-six pounders of 
brass), to that degree shaken, as they were become in a 
manner unserviceable. So, after taking the dimensions, 
I was hurried away with a strict charge therewith to 
return as soon as possible. The second day I got thither, 
and delivered my charge to Amberk Foolan,* a black, the 
then Governor ; and by him the shipwrights were directly 
ordered to work, and to be as expeditious as possible. Yet, 
supposing all hands at work, the carriages being in all 
thirty-six, they could not finish so soon, but what I might 
again have time sufiicient to gratify my curiosity in the 
old affair, and from which I was thoroughly resolved never 
to desist so long as I could see any possibility remaining. 
For, notwithstanding my so late miraculous escape from 
the bloody knife at Assamoore, I say I was then thoroughly 
resolved to pursue it, and on my road thither from Fez 
had so confirmed my resolutions, that rather than go 
back again to the army I was fully determined to make 

* 'Abd er Foolan. 


all imaginary efforts that way, be the consequence what 
it would. For as the country was then in very great con- 
fusion, and the place I was then in very likely for my 
purpose, I thought I could not desire a more favourable 

And now are mine eyes busily employed in looking 
sharp out after the ships then in the harbour, and my 
thoughts (in case I could not in any probability perform 
my design by myself) on what other help I might with 
safety procure me ; and which, indeed, I soon found to be 
the most difficult and dangerous point; though to do it 
alone, if I could, I was thoroughly resolved upon. Not- 
withstanding I made all the inquiry I could, yet could not 
I to my mind find any proper assistance, though on the 
other hand such a glorious opportunity offered as could 
not but be accounted, with the assistance of one or two 
more, a very plausible and easy undertaking, and which 
was as follows : — Early the next morning, after my arrival 
at Sallee, I took a walk to the seaside where ships' boats 
generally put in at, and where I met two Moorish sailors 
just landed with a few empty barrels to fill with water ; 
and, after a very courteous salute, I asked them what 
vessel they belonged to, their lading, and whither bound. 
To which they answered, To such a sloop (pointing at 
her), bound to Santa Cruz, and laden with gums, bees- 
wax, and copper. "Very well," said I, "but have you 
on board no good wine or brandy ? " " No, indeed," 
said they with a sigh, "so far as we can tell of, and in 
short if there was, very little of it would fall to their 
shares." " Alas ! " said I, " poor hearts, I thought that 
sailors could not live without it." When they, shrinking 
up their shoulders, telling me, " There was no help for 
it," I left them, seeming for the present to take no further 
notice of them, till they had filled the water and got the 


casks again into the boat, and then I came to them again, 
telling them "that I thought the few casks they had 
with them held but a small matter of water for their 
ship's company, as being, no doubt (as the sloop was 
upwards of fifty tons), five or six." "Oh," said they, 
"we are in all eight, though no more kept on the vessel 
than us two, the other six being constantly on shore 
waiting a fair wind. Our main sea store of water is 
already laid in, and this (without our using of that) only 
for us two for present spending ; and if it is not enough, 
you know it is not very far to fetch more." " Eeally," said 
I, " that (as none can tell how long your voyage may be) 
is very well considered, and, as all must agree, to leave 
than lack is by far the better policy," turning from them 
in a seeming manner to be going off; but I turned me 
quick round again, and told them, " If the wind stood 
out of the way till the next day, it should go very hard 
if I did not find for them a dram or a glass of wine," 
seeming again to be going off; when they, to my very 
great satisfaction, and as, indeed, I really expected, asked 
me if I would go off with them and see their vessel. 
" Why, really," said I, " that is what I would do with all 
my heart, but that then I could but badly spare so much 
time. However, as I had not been on board any vessel 
for a long time, and in case I was certain of my being 
again in a little time brought back, I could even find in 
my heart to go with them." '* Well," said they, " as to 
that it shall be even as you please." So I stepped into the 
boat, went with them, was kindly received, and treated 
with such as they had. And after I had employed my 
tongue so far as I thought fit in telling them my present 
state, as how I was one of the Emperor's soldiers, that 
under him I bore an office of some distinction, and 
mine eyes in viewing the dimensions of the sloop, sails, 


&c., SO nigh as I could guess, and given them my hearty 
thanks for my so kind welcome, I humbly entreated them 
to put me again on shore ; and which they, after telling 
me they should be very glad to see me there again, 
instantly did, kindly for that time bidding one another 

Now is my heart to that degree inflamed, that every 
dro^D of the blood in my veins is upon the ferment how 
I should manage in this affair. To do it alone I found 
was impossible, and to communicate it to others exceed- 
ing dangerous; though which I must be obliged to do, 
or let all drop ; not but I could of myself easily manage 
and overcome the two Moors, but to sail and navigate 
the vessel was the main point. And now am I at a 
greater debate with myself than ever who those associates 
should be, though I very luckily thought on one in a very 
little time, named William Hussey, a Devonshire man, 
and whom I soon determined in myself to be a very 
trusty and honest man. And as he was then one of my 
soldiers, and in Sallee with me, I could let him gradually 
into the secret when I pleased ; and which, indeed, you 
may suppose I did the first opportunity, for in less than 
an hour after I singled him out, and began to discourse 
him after the following manner : — ** Now, Will," said I, " I 
desire you will answer me sincerely to a question I am 
about to ask you." ** That," said he, " you may depend 
I will, be it what it will." " Then," said I, " do not you 
think yourself to be better off here than to be in the 
camp before Fez, where are, no doubt, some even this 
moment expiring of their wounds, others receiving fresh 
ones ? Would you not still think it safer and better to 
be in your own country ? And would you not rather run 
some small hazard to make your escape, than to go back 
again to such bloody dogs to run a greater ? " " Yes," 


said he, "to be sure ; and could I find any probable 
means for it, they should never see my face in their 
country more ; that it was what his soul had for a long 
time longed after ; and he was ready, even at the expense 
of the last drop of his blood, to make the experiment." 

" Then, honest Will," said I, " if I am not very much 
mistaken, I have at last found one, and which I do not 
in the least doubt, by our prudent management, will 
answer both our expectations, even without our losing 
any blood about the matter ; " telling him every particular 
wherein it consisted, and which he also approved of 
greatly, alleging the only difficulty to be our procuring 
of a third person that might be trusted, for that two 
were not sufficient to work the vessel and steer her well 
over to the Spanish shore, or to any other coast, in case 
the winds would not permit us to go thither. "Well, 
Will," said I, " cannot you tell where to look out for 
such a one ? " " Yes," said he, " I could soon name 
one, but I cannot altogether answer for his fidelity, 
though I never heard anything to the contrary of his 
being an honest man." " Very well," said I, " name 
him, and then we will consult further whether he may 
be trusted ; " and then he told me it was William 
Johnston, his comrade, a Kentish man. "Very well," 
said I, " then let us not trouble our heads about any 
other till we have at a distance proved him ; " which we 
instantly went about, and on our finding him very desirous 
to make his escape, we (on his swearing secrecy) let him 
into it, and which he seemed very highly to approve of, 
and eagerly pressed the execution. 

So having consulted and agreed on the means, we were 
the next night fully determined to put it into execution, and 
which we ordered after the following manner ; I, having, as 
aforesaid, very highly ingratiated myself with the two Moors, 


and taking with me a bottle of brandy, went down to the 
landing-place ; and where I had not been but a very little 
time before they had from the vessel (which was not more 
than a hundred yards off the shore) discovered me, and 
came with their boat directly to me, thinking (as they 
said) I had a mind to go again on board. I told them, 
" No, for that I had then only borrowed so much time as 
to be as good as my word with them," seeming to be in 
an extreme hurry ; then privately conveying them the 
bottle, I turned me about to be again going off, as if I 
had for that time nothing further to say to them ; when 
they, calling to me and expressing their gratitude in 
hearty thanks, I turned me round again, and said, " Poor 
hearts, I wish with all my heart it had been a greater 
quantity ; but that you know would at this time of day 
have been very dangerous to bring ; therefore, if you will 
come to-morrow night by ten of the clock, I will meet you 
here, and bring with me some more brandy, sugar, and 
lemons, and (if you please) two of my comrades, as 
honest cocks as any in Barbary, and we will go on board 
together and heartily enjoy ourselves." Which they 
seemed very highly to approve of, and earnestly desired 
that I would not fail in it. 

Now is my heart by far more light, seeing myself, as it 
were, already safely landed on some Christian shore, flying 
to my comrades with the news, who seemed therewith (and 
especially Johnston) no less pleased than myself ; and that 
night and the next day we got all our little matters in 
readiness, as two pair of pistols, the brandy, &c., and the 
time appointed for the boat's coming just at hand ; when 
Johnston, to my very great surprise, told us he could not 
by any means go that night. However, Hussey and I went, 
and found the Moors just landed, telling them that as we 
had good reason to believe there were then some people on 


the watch, we had deferred our going on board till the next 
night ; however, in point of good manners, we had brought 
them a couple of bottles of brandy, sugar and lemons, 
which we thought ourselves obliged to, rather than to 
suffer them to wait our coming in vain. And with which 
they were, no doubt, highly delighted, telling us, after a 
most pleasing manner, that they would go on board and 
drink our healths, and that we might depend on their 
coming again the next night; as indeed they did, but 
Johnston again disappointing us, we could not then go with 
them no more than the night before. Therefore, after 
thanking them for their civility, desiring them to accept of 
a couple of bottles more of brandy, &c., and telling them, 
that when we saw the way clear we would give them notice, 
we parted, they again on board to make merry, and we on 
t'lc contrary back to our loathed apartments, in a very dis- 
satisfied mood, though resolving, before we let loose our 
rage, to lay us down, if we could, to compose ourselves. 
But alas ! sleep fled us, rising again at daybreak as we lay 
down, without so much as closing our eyes ; when we went 
directly to Johnston, taking him aside, and telling him, 
that in an affair of that nature, to do as he had done, was 
using both us and himself very ill ; and which, had he 
gone about as heartily as he promised, we should in all 
likelihood have been then safely landed on some Christian 
shore, quite out of the power of the Moors, and with a 
rich prize, to the value at least of five or six thousand 
pounds, in our possession. This might, in some measure, 
make us a compensation for our so long and grievous cap- 
tivity ; and as the opportunity was still in our power, we 
hoped he would mend all, by going heartily about it that 
night. To which he, after a short pause, answered, '* That 
he had again considered maturely of the affair himself, and 
that he found it to be quite different from what it had first 


appeared to him ; therefore we should urge it to hini no 
further, for that it was only a foolish whimsey come into 
our heads, impossible to be executed ; and for which, if we 
did not desist, he would inform the Governor. "Why, 
thou vile villain," said I, " thou can'st not surely be in 
good earnest." " No," said he, *' but indeed I am," and 
confirmed it with many horrid oaths ; when I, being quite 
overcome with passion, could no longer forbear him, but 
directly drew my sword, and gave him a very deep cut 
across his face, which I verily thought, and really hoped, 
had done his business, at least so far as that it might not 
be in his power to tell any tales. However, the dog 
recovered ; but let him come home when he will, I war- 
rant he will bring with him the mark, which I told his 
sister, who was with me in the river of London, inquiring 
if I had seen him in Barbary ; together with what it was 
that he complained of to the Governor about me ; how I 
got off, and him confined close prisoner? For after my 
giving him this shrewd cut (which I must own to be 
intended in another manner), he went directly to the 
Oovernor, holding his wound so close together as he could 
(though bleeding prodigiously), complaining against me, 
and telling my reasons for serving him so. And then I 
was forthwith ordered before the Governor by a file of 
musketeers, who offering to lay hold on me, I put them by, 
telling them that they should not, at their peril, lead me 
like a dog, for that I had done nothing anywise deserving 
of such usage. However, if they would walk on before, 
I would follow them ; and which they consenting to, I was 
soon before the Governor, who looking at me very fiercely, 
and turning up the white of his eyes sullenly, told me 
that he never thought me to be so much a villain, always 
having had of me before a very high opinion ; that he 
thought I would be the last person guilty of such an 


action. "Pray, sir," said I, "of what action?" "Of 
what action ? " said he. " Why you know already better 
than myself; and therefore I do not see what occasion 
there is of my repeating it. However, since you plead 
ignorance, I desire to know what could induce you to cut 
Johnston across the face." " As to my cutting him across 
the face," said I, " I cannot deny ; and as to the induce- 
ment, I was only sorry that it had not ended his days." 
*' A very pretty inducement indeed," said he, "to kill a 
man, for not joining with you in your wicked design in 
running away with the sloop and cargo." " I run away 
with the sloop and cargo," said I; "the villain could not 
have the impudence to say so ! " " No," said he, "but he 
will say it to your face, and you shall be punished in a way 
deserving of so notorious a crime," ordering the guards 
to carry me directly oflf, and to put me into safe custody. 

When I humbly entreating to be heard, and that before 
he let loose his rage he would be pleased to inquire into the 
truth of this second part of Johnston's story, it being quite 
reverse and notoriously false, he asked me what I could say 
to justify myself. I told him I could say enough to con- 
vince him, and all other impartial judges, of my innocence ; 
and which, if I did not make very plainly to appear, by 
most undeniable evidence, he should proceed against me, 
and I was willing to undergo such punishment as the 
nature of the case deserved, and his Excellency should 
think fit to inflict ; and that in order thereunto, he would 
be pleased to suffer Johnston to be confronted, and in both 
our presence to examine such evidence as should be by me 

On this Johnston was directly ordered forth, and 
soon appeared in a terrible condition ; and being asked 
if I had not often prompted him to run away with the 
■sloop and cargo, and if I had not, on his refusing to join 


me in so foul an action, given him that cut, he as well as 
he could answered in the affirmative. At which the Gover- 
nor, looking again at me very fiercely, said, " Now are not 
you a very pretty fellow ? " I told him yes, and that when 
he had heard my evidence, I did not doubt but what he 
would think me so in good earnest ; and for me to tell him 
myself that he had the word only of a perjured villain, 
who would not stick to say anything, even to the prejudice 
of his own father, so he might thereby accomplish his 
wicked designs, would signify nothing. Not but he had 
most basely reversed the story, himself being the only 
aggressor ; for that he had of a long time back continually 
teazed me to join with him in escape, and very particularly 
during the last three days, concerning the sloop ; and at 
last, finding that notwithstanding my often denials and 
representations I could not be at quiet for him, and his so 
wicked importunities, I gave him the cut. And of all which, 
if his Excellency doubted, I could make most undeniable 
proof, by means of another person, whom he also prompted 
to the same undertaking. " Indeed ! " said the Governor. 
** What may the person's name be ? " I told him "William 
Hussey." "And can you produce him," said he. "Yes, 
sir," said I, " I can, for he is one of the people who came 
with me from Fez for the carriages, and cannot be far off, 
but very likely in the yard with the carpenters, where my 
men generally, by my orders, gave their attendance." 

Then a messenger was sent for him, and soon returned, 
and Hussey with them, Johnston being all this time, no 
doubt, in a fearful condition, it being then too late for him 
to bring in Hussey for a party ; through which omission, 
Hussey's evidence carried with it by far the greater weight, 
and he had his lesson, as you may suppose, at his tongue's 
end, though he said never a word till he was by the Gover- 
nor asked if he knew anything concerning Johnston's 


wound, and of the party giving it? Wlien he answered 
yes, it was Pellow, and that if I had not given it, he had 
fully designed to have given it himself. " Pray," said the 
Governor, " for what reason ? " ** For what reason, sir," 
Baid he, "for reason enough, I think; and no doubt, when 
I have told you the truth of the story, you will also allow 
it." " Very well," said he, *' proceed, and let me know the 
very truth of the matter. " Then the matter, sir, in short 
is even this : — Johnston and myself are soldiers, you must 
know, under Fellow's command, and therefore consequently 
generally together ; and for a long time back I have not 
been at quiet, on Johnston's frequent importuning me to 
join with him in escape, and very particularly since coming 
to Sallee, in carrying off a certain sloop ; alleging that 
Pellow had akeady given his word, and that if I would 
likewise consent to it, it would be strength sujficient. This, 
sir, I must confess very much surprised me, I having 
always found Pellow very easy under his present condition; 
and as not knowing what such falsities might tend to, I 
could not be quiet till I had it either confirmed or denied 
from Pellow s own mouth, and for which I this morning 
found an opportunity, and told Pellow in Johnston's hear- 
ing what he had said of him. Indeed (said Pellow, in a 
very great surprise), Will, had not I a very good opinion of 
you, I should have no small difficulty with myself to believe 
it ; and now I cannot very well tell what to make of it, it 
being, I think, almost impossible for any one to invent 
such an abomiuable falsity, looking sternly at Johnston, 
and asking him if it was true ; to which he making no 
answer, Pellow asked him what he meant by it, thus (the 
better to colour his so wicked designs) to make use of his 
name ; at which Johnston being so confounded that he 
could make no answer, Pellow said, ' You dog, you are 
going the right way to take away my life ; tell me what 


could induce you to it, or if ever I had any discourse with 
you tending to the affair. Speak, had I, or had I not ? ' 
And being still silent, Pellow drew his sword and gave him 
the cut; and this, sir, is the very truth of the matter." 
Here the Governor was silent for some time, looking very 
fiercely at Johnston, and at last telling him that he could 
not imagine how he could invent such a damnable lie ! and 
which, had not Providence interposed, by Hussey's being 
let into the secret, must in all likelihood have taken away 
the life of an innocent person, ordering the guards to carry 
him off and put him in irons. As for me, their atten- 
dance on me was no longer necessary, for that I had 
sufficiently cleared myself, and that I was again at liberty 
to depart when and where I would. 

Now having overreached Johnston, and for his villainy 
procured him a close prison, and of which I think he was 
in more respects than one highly deserving, and which (as 
proper for the keeping the knowledge of the affair from the 
public whereby it might probably spread and reach the 
Emperor's ears) was, I think, the fittest place for him. 
However, to prevent all this, I humbly desired the Gover- 
nor to pardon him, and that he might in the prison be 
taken care of, and cured of his wound, and that the matter 
might be all hushed. For notwithstanding he had so dealt 
by me, yet would not I on any account, as I was then so 
far in the Emperor's good graces, that he should know it, 
thereby to give him any uneasiness, or the least doubt of 
my fidelity. "Therefore, pray, sir," said I, "forgive him, 
and be pleased to accept of the small matters in this purse, 
as an acknowledgment of so great a favour : " giving him 
forty gold ducats (which I had been a long time before 
scraping together), and which he very greedily accepted of, 
telling me, with a pleased countenance, to keep my own 
secrets, and vA\ should be well. 


And here, before I proceed any further, I shall, by way 
of a short digression, ask my readers if they think we 
used Johnston in anywise ill, or otherwise than they would 
have done, had it been their own case, unless by my extra- 
ordinary care of him, after he was made a prisoner, which 
I think to be no way suitable to his deserts, notwithstanding 
our so wrongfully turning the tables upon him ; therefore, 
I say, the nature of the case being duly considered, and 
when I tell them that it prolonged my captivity eight 
years, I hope my treatment of him will be rather approved 
of than censured. Though Hussey was so lucky to get off 
in a short time after, and he has, I am sure, gratitude 
enough to acknowledge that I was therein very instru- 
mental, though it was not my fortune (I having yet a 
much longer and very severe servitude to encounter with) 
to go with him, he getting with success to Marcegongue, 
and thence in a Portuguese ship to Lisbon. But to 

The carriages being all now finished, and all of us 
ordered to be at the next morning in readiness to depart, 
I that night waited on the Governor, to thank him for all 
his past favours, and to intreat his future remembrance of 
my so late misfortunes, and as Johnston was not then able 
to undergo the journey, he would order such care of him 
as to send him after us, so soon as he was ; not that I ever 
desired to see him any more, but in case he might happen 
to be required at our hands, we might know where to find 
him ; though indeed he never after cared to come where I 
was, neither did I see him but very seldom. 

Now are we on the road with the carriages, having with 
us a sufficient number of the inhabitants from Bailee, to 
the next town, and so from town to town, relieving one 
another till we got well to the camp, and where I was by 
Muley Hamet most kindly received, and told by him that 


he had an account from Bashaw Belide Showey, of my 
readiness in following him from Tessent, in order to assist 
him in his restoration at Mequinez, and that he would 
alwaj's have a kind remembrance thereof. And now are 
our cannon all mounted, and for a month's time we kept 
almost a continual battery upon the town ; and though I 
had the good fortune to escape hitherto unwounded, yet 
was it my mishap soon after, the malcontents sallying, to 
receive two musket shots within a minute's time of each 
other, one passing through my right thigh, and the other 
through my left shoulder, and at such a time as I had but 
the moment before received a shrewd cut in my left hand, 
and disengaged myself from a party fighting sword in hand. 
And now am I in a bloody condition, I being tapped in 
three several places, insomuch that from my excessive loss 
of blood from them all, I really thought that I could not 
have long survived it ; and thought the wound in my hand 
might not be in anywise reckoned dangerous as the others, 
yet could not the surgeons prevent its bleeding little or 
more for three days, though they staunched the others in 
a very little time. 

Now am I laid on a bier, in order to be carried to an 
hospital in New Fez, for the better conveniency of cure ; and 
which Muley Hamet seeing, he rode forth, and asked who 
I was, and after being told, he said he was very sorry for 
me, and that it was his pleasure I should be particularly 
taken care of, and ordered three surgeons to go along with 
me, and to use the best of their skill for my recovery, and 
a Genoese servitor to be always in my apartment with 
me, giving me out of his jibbera,* or purse (which he had 
generally hanging at bis saddle before him), fifty gold 
ducats, and strictly charging that I should have a quarter 

* The •* chkai'a," or leather bag, slung over the shoixlder, which 
serves the purpose of a pocket, haversack, and purse. 


of fresh mutton brought in every day, or anything else the 
surgeons should approve of for my subsistence. Then, 
after wishing me well, he turned from me, and my bearers 
proceeded ; and they had not carried me far before a Moor 
(just arrived in the camp from Agoory) stepped forth, 
telling me that he was sorry to see me in that condition, 
that he hoped my wounds were not mortal, and so forth ; 
that though he never cared to be the bearer of ill news, 
yet he could not forbear telling me that my wife and 
daughter were both very lately dead, dying within three 
days one of the other. One of Job's comforters indeed ! 
though I must own that it gave me very little uneasiness, 
as I thought them to be by far better o£f than they could 
have been in this troublesome world, especially this part of 
it ; and I was really very glad that they were delivered out 
of it, and therefore it gave me very little uneasiness. 


More uses for wine than one — Mr. Pellow and his renegade attendant 
find httle difficulty in trying how far Malaga is potent to cure 
wounds — He amazes his surgeon — Doctor and patient, their 
adopted faith notwithstanding, have a merry evening over the for- 
bidden cup — The surrender of Fez — The humiliation and murder 
of Abdemeleck — A general heh.e& more Mauritiano—Mnlej 
Hamid Ed-dehebi is poisoned by Muley Abdallah's mother — This 
prince seizes the throne — A new master but old habits — War again 
— Fez once more in rebellion — A terrible siege of seven months — 
Famine compels the Fasees to yield and meet their retribution — 
Hopes of escape again disappointed by a fresh rebellion and a 
long march — How malcontents are brought to book. 

NOW am I brought to my apartment, and my wounds 
in my thigh and shoulder were carefully searched 
and dressed, and the blood staunched. Yet, I say, they 
could not with all their skill (though they applied all the 
medicines they could think of), prevent that of my hand 
from bleeding for three days, and which was at last 
staunched by applying (as I may say) some of the same 
blood, it being first put into a receiver, and by a continual 
stirring over a pan of fresh coals burnt into a powder, and 
a small matter thereof laid on the wound put an end to the 
bleeding, which I thought might not be unuseful to men- 
tion. Now am I in a very low, painful, and disconsolate 
condition, and my spirits sunk to that degree that I really 
expected every day to be my last ; and, indeed, had I not 


by way of my Genoese attendant borrowed a point of the 
law I must actually have been dead in a very little time, it 
being otherwise impossible for me to get over it. For not- 
withstanding I was so miserably low, and my so often 
telling my surgeons of it, yet would not they allow me to 
drink anything stronger than water. 

Therefore I, considering my own case, told my keeper 
(whom I knew to be a trusty person) if he did not 
instantly look out for some comfortable wine for me, or 
something that was stronger by way of cordial, I could 
hold it but very little longer. Therefore, said I, pray 
hasten and see what you can do for me, giving him a 
gold ducat, with which he departed, and was in a very 
little time back again with two leather bottles concealed 
under his robe, the one full of brandy, and the other 
of excellent old Malaga wine, with which I that night 
made pretty free, drinking, I believe, of both sorts, as a be- 
ginning, about a pint, and slept after it a hearty nap, I not 
having shut my eyes before from the time I was wounded. 
At my awaking I found myself another man, my spirits 
being to that degree exhilarated that never was there a 
more sudden and surprising alteration ; and then I took 
another moderate tiff, by which 1 was soon again composed, 
and slept till the next morning sunrising, when my German 
came to look at and dress my wounds, asking me how I 
felt myself, and if I had taken any rest. I told him, yes, I 
had slept many hours, and that I found myself very much 
revived. " Very well," said he, " I am glad of it with all 
my heart." " But sir," said I, "I hope you will be pleased 
to allow me something by way of cordial, to cheer my 
spirits, for you cannot but suppose them, after so great a 
loss of blood, to be very low." "Well," said he, "I will 
consider of it, but first let me feel your arm wrist," 
when he, starting back as one in a very great surprise, 



"Something," says he, "to raise your spirits; why your 
spirits are now ten times higher than they were yesterday, 
therefore I hope there will be no occasion for any spirituous 
liquors, and I very heartily wish there may not, it being 
the most dangerous thing in the world ; therefore," said 
he, "I would by all means have you to content yourself 
without it till to-morrow, and if I find any further occasion 
for it then than I do at this time, I give you my honour to 
procure some for you, and to trust to yours for the event." 

I told him it was very well, and that I should be thereby 
highly obliged to him, desiring him to look at my wounds. 
To which he answered me that he would willingly first 
stay a little longer, for that he every moment expected his 
brethren — who indeed came in a very little time after, and 
by consent fell to opening the bandage, and after a very 
short time looking at that in my shoulder (which, as being 
so near my heart, they thought to be by far the most 
dangerous), they in a very pleasing manner told me that 
they had never before seen, in so short a time, so great an 
alteration for the better, for whereas it was the day before 
inflamed to a very high degree, it was then wonderfully 
altered, and the inflammation almost quite off ; and then 
they looked at the other two and found them the same, so 
after dressing me they, having many other patients to go 
to, departed together. But the German coming hastily back 
again told me that he really thought my wounds to be in a 
very promising way, and so it would be mere madness in 
me to drink any spirituous liquors till the inflammation 
was quite over, and they had brought them to a better 
matter ; and which, if I did, it would not only be the un- 
doing of what they had hitherto done for me, but put it out 
of the power of all the surgeons in Barbary to cure me. 

"Well," said I, with a sigh, "I remember you told me so 
before," and then he left me, but he was not gone out of 


the room two minutes before I and my attendant drank 
each of us a bumper to his good health, and between us, 
before night, finished all the wine, burning most of it with 
sugar and spices, which threw me into a gallant sweat and 
sound sleep. In this I continued the best part of that 
day, and at night had our wine bottle replenished again, 
when I took another hearty tiff, and fell again into a sound 
sleep, napping it in and out till six of the clock the next 
morning, when my surgeons came in a full body to dress 
my wounds, which they instantly went about, and still 
found them growing better in a surprising manner, saying 
that the inflammation was quite off, and there was a very 
good digestion, asking me if I did not find my spirits to be 
very much restored. I told them yes, to a very high 
degree. "Well/' said the German, "keep but a good 
heart, and never fear of a cure in a little time," and after 
telling me in a low voice he would bring me some wine the 
next morning, he departed with his brethren. 

Now is my stomach again craving after meat, and soon^ 
began to relish it tolerably well, eating a good mess of 
mutton broth two or three times a day, and which, with 
the continuance of my wine, and a good bowl of cuscassoo 
now and then, I found to bring me on apace. My German 
coming again the next morning before any of the rest, 
bringing with him a bottle of wine concealed under his 
robe, after sending my attendant out of the room, he asked 
me if I would venture to take a tiff. I told him yes, if he 
pleased, with all my heart. ** Then," said he, ** here, take 
the bottle and drink," giving it into my hand, though 
after it had been but a very short time at my mouth he 
cried out, " Hold ! hold ! you have drunk enough," when 
I took it off, telling him that I thought it to be very 
excellent wine, and that I found it very comfortable. 
"Well," said he, "don't you by any means make too free 


with it, but now and then take a little by way of cordial," 
to which I had but just time to tell him that it was very 
well, and hid the bottle in my bed-clothes, before my other 
surgeons came in, and fell to opening my wounds ; still 
finding them for the better, and soon again left me, when 
I fell to work with the doctor's bottle, and which (as being 
but a quart) my attendant and I drank clear out that same 
day, designing no longer to impose upon my benefactor, 
but to bring him in the next morning, if I could, for a third 
man ; and when he, coming again before any of the rest, 
very opportunely asked me how the wine had agreed with 
me, and if I thought it had done me no harm, " Harm!" 
said I, " no, no, but has, I think, on the contrary done me 
a great deal of good, and which, if I had more of it, you 
would as well as myself soon find to be true, and to work 
a perfect cure on me in a very little time." " Some more 
of it ! " said he, in a seeming surprise, "why you have not, 
I hope, finished all I brought you yesterday." *' Indeed, 
sir," said I, " I have, and, to be plain with you, a great 
deal more, or I should not be now here to tell you so." 
" Now here," said he, " to tell me so ; in short, that you 
are is the greatest miracle." And when I told him the 
real truth, how much I had drank, the benefit I had 
received by it, and how I must have been inevitably dead 
without it, "Well," said he, " God is all sufficient, but of 
all the ways I ever saw or heard of curing wounds before, 
yours is the most uncommon one." 

Then I called to my attendant to bring forth one of 
our own bottles, and drank a hearty tiff to my doctor's 
good health, delivering him the bottle, and he as heartily 
pledged me, telling me that he thought it to be very 
excellent wine, and that he was very glad it had so well 
agreed with me ; however, he believed that nobody be- 
fore had ever been that way cured. " Oh, doctor," said 


I, ** you are in that very much mistaken, I having many 
times before made the experiment on myself." " Very 
well," said he, '* I hope all this is under the rose." 
" Yes, yes, doctor," said I, ** that you need not fear, and if 
you will be pleased to come in with us for a third man we 
may innocently enjoy ourselves over a bottle, without doing 
any harm to anybody else." " Very well," said he, " I 
understand you, and as to my answer I will give it you in 
the evening." His comrades coming in at once upon us, we 
had not time then to talk any further about it, and after 
they had dressed me, and told me that my wounds were 
bettering apace, they again for that day left me. 

And now is my German doctor soon about to come in for 
a snack. Coming at the beginning of the night, when all 
was pretty quiet, and bringing with him two bottles of 
excellent old Malaga wine, he sat down, took a cup out of 
his pocket, filled it to the top, and drank it off to the good 
health of our Christian friends, myself and my attendant 
following his example ; and after we had drank a round or 
two more, he told me that he thought I might think myself 
very happy under my present circumstances, and to be much 
better off than a great number of my comrades, who, 
during my lying sick, had been exposed to many dangers 
and hardships, and a great many of them slain. Of which, 
indeed, I had before repeated advices, and therefore my life 
was in all likelihood entirely owing to my wounds, and 
which, indeed, was very likely to be true, for during my 
cure were many thousands on both sides slain, and amongst 
them of my small number at least one hundred and fifty. 

Now are my wounds healing apace, being able again to 
sit up and walk a little, and my strength every day very 
apparently increasing, insomuch that my surgeons told me 
that they did not doubt but that I might in three weeks 
more be again in a capacity to return to my duty in the 


army. Though indeed I thought myself fit at the fortnight's 
end, and should certainly have made my appearance then 
had not they prevented me, telling me that they thought 
my wound to be still too green, and not sufficiently 
hardened, and therefore I was obliged to remain there 
another week ; at the end of which I waited with my sur- 
geons on Muley Hamet, who seemed to be highly pleased 
at my recovery, and thereof gave my surgeons very liberal 
acknowledgments, ordering me immediately back again to 
my old apartment. For as the malcontents were then 
reduced to the lowest ebb, he said he could not see what 
service I could be of there, and after making most humble 
acknowledgment for his so very great care of me, I obeyed 
his orders, went back, and there continued six days longer, 
at the end of which he sent me word by one of my own 
people that the city had surrendered, and that it was his 
pleasure I should come directly and see the rebels march 
out ; which, so Well as they were able, I soon did, being 
really all of them reduced to a very miserable condition. 
Yet, notwithstanding, many of them (especially their ring- 
leaders) had their heads chopped off on the spot, and 
Abdemeleck, with forty principal men, were put into safe 
custody, in order to be safely conducted by the army to 

Before Abdemeleck was brought into Hamet Deby's pre- 
sence he was searched by the captain of his guards and 
some other officers, who found a poniard and a small pistol 
concealed in his pockets, which they took away, and then 
conducted him into Hamet Deby's tent, who, instead of 
venting his wrath and vengeance upon him, contented 
himself with making some reproaches, and those without 
sharpness. "What," says he, "after having taken the 
crown from me, are you now cruel enough to seek to take 
away my life ? " 


Now have we a general muster, by which we found we had 
lost in all on our side in this siege thirty thousand men ; 
then we struck our tents, and with the remainder of our 
army marched with our prisoners to Mequinez, where the 
forty principal men were beheaded in the market-place, 
which was a much milder fate than those met with who 
were before taken in Mequinez, for there the governor of 
the city and some of the principal men were nailed by 
their hands and feet to one of the gates of the city, in which 
miserable manner they lived three days, except the governor 
of the city, whose hands and feet were so torn by the weight 
of his body (being a lusty man) that he fell down from the 
gate some time after he had been nailed thereto, upon 
which they had the mercy to dispatch him with their 
sabres. And at this time, indeed, the Emperor ordered the 
Governor of Sallee to be served in the same or worse 
manner, for he had first his skull cracked with the blows 
of a pistol, and was then himg up by the feet at one of the 
gates of the city, in which deplorable condition he remained 
alive four days. 

Abdemeleck was put under the custody of Emshael,* the 
black Bashaw, who was strictly charged to keep him close 
prisoner in his own house till further orders ; and indeed 
he never got free from thence, being at the end of six weeks 
strangled by two of his own brothers ; and lest ho might 
not be dead enough, they gave him each a stab with their 
long murdering knives through his body, Muley Hamet Deby 
dying about an hour before him. His death was occasioned 
— as was by all supposed — by his drinking a small bowl of 
milk at his entrance into Mequinez from Fez — according 
to custom, after obtaining any signal victory — it being 
poisoned by Muley Abdallah's mother, in order to clear 
her son's way to the Empire, he languishing from the very 

'■'- 'Mshael. 


moment of his taking it, even to his last hour. Muley 
Abdallah was accordingly proclaimed as soon as Hamet 
Deby was dead, his mother Lela Coneta, who had been 
one of the wives of Muley Swine, or Ishmael, having — by 
distributing three hundred thousand ducats amongst the 
Black Army, besides fifty thousand given by her own hands 
to their chief officers — engaged them in his interest, not- 
withstanding Hamet Deby left a son named Muley Bouser,* 
who was capable of reigning, whom Muley Abdallah kept 
in prison some time, but he at last found an opportunity 
to escape. 

Now am I to prepare myself for swimming through a 
fresh sea of blood, the scene opening in new and deeper 
colours indeed, for though Muley Abdallah was in my time 
driven out twice, yet was there scarce a day passed without 
his murdering some of his subjects, more or less ; he 
having, I believe, killed with his own hands, besides those 
most unmercifully butchered by the hands of his execu- 
tioners, at least fifty thousand men, he having his old 
father the devil so riveted in his heart, as that it was im- 
possible for anybody to tell when he was in jest or in 
earnest, being always bent on bloody enterprises, and 
unhappy I, seldom exempted from making one therein — I 
mean in his inhumane bloody wars. But I was for the 
present sent again to my old station at Agoory, and where 
I had a short interval of about six weeks, often reflecting 
on the loss of my wife and daughter ; for though I said 
before their death gave me very little uneasiness, yet could 
not I help now being under concern for them, and especially 
the child, who always used, at my coming home wounded, 
to clasp her little arms about my neck, hugging and be- 
moaning her poor father, and telling me that I should no 
more go into the wars, for that she and her mother 
* Bou Azza. 


would go with me to England, and live with her grand- 

These reflections, I say, gave me some concern ; however, 
I soon endeavoured to forget them, for, in short, what 
could I do ? To bring them back again I knew was im- 
possible, and as they were — as far as lay in my power — 
instructed in the knowledge and, I hope, true belief in 
Christ, and my intentions were fully bent upon escape, I 
was really glad that they were dead; and I plainly told 
myself that as I could find in my heart in their lifetime to 
endeavour to leave the country, I had now no room left 
for excuse, but ought to pursue it ; and therefore I was 
thoroughly resolved to lay hold of all opportunities, and 
as soon as my strength was a little better restored again, 
to push all for all. My resolutions thus settled, I am 
again at peace with myself, diligently employing my time 
in bathing my wounds with such ointments as my doctors 
had directed me. 

But I was again on a sudden ordered, with all my 
men, for Mequinez ; and though I was in a very indif- 
ferent condition, sore against my inclinations, and full 
two of the clock in the afternoon when my orders 
came, yet was I obliged to obey them, and to be there, if 
possibly I could, that same day ; and which, though very 
short notice, it being in the month of July, I punctually 
performed, we being all on horseback by four, and without 
any hurry got to Mequinez in good season, where I found 
^iluley Abdallah at the head of an army consisting of 
140,000 men, chiefly blacks, ready to march for Old Fez. 
With whom we were joined, and early the next morning 
marched with them, the malcontents having gathered 
together there, refusing to acknowledge him, and yet setting 
up no one else ; so that I verily believe it was merely for 
the sake of rebellion, and I easUy foresaw that, if they 


chose to be obstinate, their blood would be poured out like 
water ; and I must own I heartily wished — seeing they 
were of so cruel a nature — that their insatiate eyes might 
be never satisfied with blood, till the last of them had seen 
the last drop of all the rest, himself expiring with the 
utter extermination of that so barbarous and most un- 
christian monarchy. And which is, indeed, now in a very 
fair way of being accomplished, they having a most in- 
satiate thirst after each other's destruction, attended with 
sad devastation and famine, and the times still growing 
worse and worse upon their hands ; and which may God 
continue, till they are either brought to a true sight of their 
errors, or the utter extirpation of themselves and principles. 

For as their country is so very rich, spacious, and popu- 
lous, it is much to be regretted that it should go under any 
other denomination than that of a part of a Christendom ; 
and whereto should all Christian princes but set their 
helping hand, Christianity would not only flourish and 
abound, but many poor ignorant souls who are now, 
through means of their following false lights, in a most 
dangerous and deplorable condition, be in a little time 
brought by the hght of the Gospel into a true knowledge 
and belief in Christ, and to the utter abhorrence and 
detestation of Mahometism ; which, through the ambitious 
artifices of cunning and designing men, hath for so many 
ages been so grossly imposed upon them. — But whither 
am I wandering ? These digressions are quite out of my 
way, as well as a subject far beyond my abilities, and 
altogether out of my way to meddle with; therefore I 
shall again return to my old road, travel gently on, and 
leave the event of all these things to God ; who, no 
doubt, hath in a great measure ordained them for wise 

Now am I again one in this large army before Old Fez, 


where Muley Abdallah offered the malcontents free pardon, 
in case they would surrender, and promise future obedience 
to him. To which they answered, being but too well ac- 
quainted with his deceitful nature, that, considering their 
resistance was for liberty and property, they thought it as 
good or much better for them to die then, than at another 
time ; therefore they utterly despised his offer, which they 
directly confirmed from the mouths of their muskets. 
And now is the bloody scene opening apace, nothing but 
death and horror reigning here for the space of seven 
months, during which I was not backward in acting my 
part even in place of greatest danger, insomuch that I 
was very willing — in case I might escape with my life — to 
compound for a smart wound or two ; and which, indeed, 
was both my bad and good hap, as you will by and by hear. 
Now is there scarce a day without close skirmishing, 
and on both sides gi-eat slaughter ; and notwithstanding 
our cruel treatment of those we took alive, as unmercifully 
cutting some to pieces, and hanging others up alive by 
the heels, till they were dead through anguish and hunger, 
and others by many other cruel inventions of tortures, and 
all within sight of the garrison, yet did they seem to make 
no manner account of it, unless growing thereat more 
desperate. And which, indeed, by their future behaviour 
and bold attempts of reprisals, they made soon to be very 
apparent, behaving to the last with an undaunted resolu- 
tion, selling their blood with their lives, to the very great 
expense of that of our army. Had not their provisions 
and warlike stores failed them, they had certainly done 
us far greater mischief, we having from several prisoners 
repeated accounts that, as long as their stores lasted and 
people continued, they were thoroughly resolved to hold it 
out. But when their provision was exhausted, their horses 
bad eaten up all their provender, and they at last eaten 


up their horses, the remnant were resolved to sally forth 
together, and sell their lives at the rate of those of the 
bravest soldiers, which they deemed much better, and by 
far more honourable, than to drag a miserable life, attended 
with grievous servitude, and continually exposed to the 
capricious humour of a bloody tyrant. 

Therefore they were resolved to deliver their country 
from his tyranny, or perish with it. And in which, indeed, 
they were in a great measure as good as their words, for 
they fought us to the last with a noble resolution, and 
desperately sallied so long as they had anything remaining 
whereby to support their sinking spirits, their horses being 
at last all eaten up, and the remnant of themselves so 
miserably weak through famine, that their lives were scarce 
worth the taking, not having strength enough left them to 
make an honourable pile for burial, which was what they 
fully intended, and, like Samson, to have killed more at 
their deaths than they had before done during all the time 
of their lives. 

But as their strength could do no more, they were at last 
obliged to submit to the mercy of a merciless tyrant, 
marching out, or rather, indeed, crawling out — as being 
scarce able to stand — in one body of sis thousand and 
thirty-six. The 36 were instantly on the spot beheaded, 
and the remaining 6,000 led by the army in a miserable 
condition to Mequinez, and ever after exposed (so long as 
any of them remained) in the fronts of the tyrant's bloody 
battles, and most of them were killed in my sight. This 
was my third battle at Fez. We lost 40,000 men ; and of 
1,500 Christians in this siege and the former, no more 
remained than 660, myself being likewise wounded by two- 
musket shots in my left shoulder and fleshy part of my 
buttock, though these wounds did not keep me from my 
duty more than five weeks. 


Now am I, after this my so very great fatigue and 
narrow escape of my life, sent again to Agoory, where I 
could not again help thinking on my late wife and little 
prattler, ruminating on the many hazards I had hitherto 
undergone, and the no less miraculous preservations I had 
met with, fully intending to pursue my intentions of 
escaping, and to put my trust in Providence for de- 
liverance, as soon as my wounds were somewhat hardened, 
my strength restored, and a convenient opportunity should 

But alas ! I may as to that set my heart at quiet for 
some very considerable time longer, I having first many 
more tedious and hazardous exploits to encounter with. 
And first I was by Muley Abdallah, even, as 1 may say, 
before I had time to look about me, very unexpectedly 
hurried away on the following expedition. He having 
repeated accounts of a great body of malcontents, con- 
sisting to the least of 100,000, gathered at Itehuzzan,* in 
the province of Itemoor,t and that they behaved after a 
most insolent manner, he therefore directly ordered 70,000 
horse to be got ready to march with him thither to 
correct them, and of which number myself and men, as a 
part, were forthwith ordered to Mequinez, where we 
directly joined the rest of the army and marched towards 
the rebels ; and the second day following we got to Ite- 

Here we soon found the grand assembly had divided 
themselves into several parties, flying before us as fast 
as they could into the heights of the mountains, so as 
we were at least two months before we could light on them 
to any purpose, and then, being driven to many hardships, 
they sent to the Emperor twelve of their chiefs, and with 

* Ait-Hassan ? 

i The district of the Ait-Zemonr, a still rebellious tribe ? 


them sixteen fine horses as a present, with full power to 
tell him that if in case he would send a small party of his 
people back with them, they would so order matters, as 
that they should return again in little time with their 
respective dues. In order to which he sent with them the 
next morning six thousand men, who were treated by them 
for some time in a seeming friendly manner, and a great 
many of them, in conformity to this offer, accordingly 
brought in the tributes, though the greatest part of them, 
as not at all liking such heavy impositions, joining in 
grand consult, sent thirty-eight of their chiefs to the 
Emperor to tell him that they had not as then brought in 
their several payments, according to their promise by their 
former messengers ; not but they fully intended to do it, 
and were then ready to do so, provided he would make an 
abatement. At this the tyrant was so enraged, that be 
answered them in a most furious manner, "An abatement, 
you dogs ! I'll soon make an abatement of you," looking 
at them very fiercely, and beckoning to his own people to 
hem them in, and then, on giving a sign, they had all 
their heads in a moment cut off, saving one only, who 
through wonderful chance escaped to carry this so unex- 
pected answer back to their message : and which, for some 
time, put the remainder of them into a most terrible con- 
sternation, as not thoroughly resolving for a day or two 
what course to take ; though it was at last agreed by them 
to surprise and cut off the six thousand of our people, 
who lay encamped near them, and accordingly they fell 
directly on them, and notwithstanding they made a gallant 
resistance, yet did they kill of them four thousand on the 
spot, the other two thousand flying in great confusion back 
to our army, with this so unwelcome and unexpected news. 
Now is the tyrant most highly enraged, insomuch that 
he directly ordered most of us up the mountains on foot. 


and to give no quarter to all we could light on ; which was 
punctually obeyed, though we found at first but very few 
of them, as only here and there a small number tarrying 
behind the rest of their brethren, under a pretence of being 
shepherds or herdsmen to look after their cattle, the main 
body (of about 30,000) flying from mountain to mountain 
before us, and so continuing for seven days. On the eighth 
day we got so near them, and to that degree so hemmed 
them in, that we in a very little time destroyed them, 
putting them all to the sword with very little loss on our 
side ; and then, after breathing some short time, we 
marched to the castle of Mint, in the province of 
Itehacam,* lying at the foot of a very high mountain, and 
wherein we had an account that 50,000 more of the rebels 
were entrenched ; and very early the next morning we were 
all ordered up on foot, to pay them a visit, and so surrounded 
them that we attacked them in their trenches sword in 
hand, and in a short time killed of them 30,000 more, the 
remainder in great confusion flying before us to the moun- 
tain of Ceedeboazzo Multorria,! where they were in such a 
manner sheltered from our fury, that it would have been 
in us not only a mere madness to follow them, but also 
very hazardous, as well as altogether in vain. 

Therefore we marched to the river Cuscasoe,! about four 
leagues farther on between the mountains, lying between 
Ceedeboazzo § and Mint, there intending to settle our camp 
for some time ; and which was indeed forthwith marked out, 
and our tents pitched there ; but on the eighth day follow- 
ing our camp was very accidentally set on fire by a coal 
of fire sticking at the bottom of a cake of bread, just taken 
out of a hot oven, which falling amongst the fodder (of 
which there was a prodigious quantity, very long and dry) 

* This is probably another form of Beni Hassan. 

t Sidi Bou Azzua Multorria. I K'sksoo ? § Sidi Bou Azza. 


the fire quickly spread itself to that degree, that notwith- 
standing all our haste in removing our tents, &c., yet were 
many of them, with several of our horses and all our 
stores, burnt, the fire still spreading towards the Emperor's 
pavilions, wherein were fifty of his concubines, who were 
with great difficulty carried off by the eunuchs, covered all 
over with cloaks, and shrieking after a dismal manner, 
before the fire reached them. 

Now are we, on account of this sad accident, both as to 
our provision and ammunition, in a very great strait, and 
there was very little dependence of having a fresh supply 
from the country, any further than what we got by foraging. 
Therefore we were obliged to send expressly to Mequinez for 
such as we wanted, and which was full twenty days before 
it came to our hands ; though during this (after the fodder 
was all burnt up, the fire extinguished, and all the ashes 
cleared off, for fear of a second accident of like nature) we 
settled the remainder of our tents, which we had preserved 
from the flames, again in the same place. 

Our stores, &c., being arrived, we rose with our army, 
and marched out in four days to the castle of Cassavah 
Amarisu,* in the parish of Juzob, in the province of 
Tamnsnah, after the following route : The first day to 
the other side of the river Melhah : the second to Mer- 
saidore f ; the third to Zeebedah ; and the fourth, by three 
o'clock in the afternoon, within two leagues of the castle. 
Here we met with a great party of the malcontents ; and 
though they were double our number, we forthwith attacked 
them, and by ten of the clock that same night cut most of 
them off, when we marched on to the castle, and settled 
our camp without the walls, where we remained for the 
space of two months, ravaging and plundering the country 
all round us of their corn, fruit, cattle, &c., after a most 
* Kasbah Amarisoo. f Mers-el-Abiod ? 


shocking manner, the inhabitants (all but those of the 
parish of Meduna) * flying from us into the heights of the 
mountains. Indeed it would have been much better for 
them had those of Meduna also done so, for notwith- 
standing their so ready compliance in sending in to the 
tyrant four hundred horse all gallantly mounted with the 
prime of their youth, and almost laden with vast sums of 
money for his service, yet did he instantly order them for 
execution, and had all their heads cut off on the spot. The 
rest of the inhabitants in those parts, on seeing this sad 
disaster of their neighbours, compounded for their own 
lives by bringing in vast sums of money. Then our army 
rose, and marched thence with much booty and several 
prisoners to Milce.t about six leagues, where we again 
pitched our tents, and settled four weeks, still making in 
the country grievous havoc. At length we rose and 
marched thence, after the following route for Mequinez : 
The first day to Invelghummeese ; t the second to Inemo- 
coon ; the third to the river Sharrot ; the fourth to 
Wilgehiah Ben Hammo ; the fifth to the river Bate ; and 
the sixth, in good season, to Mequinez, the tyrant still 
(as we passed along) plundering the country and murder- 
ing his subjects. § 

* District of Mediuna. f Mils. 

t Invelg-Kh amiss. 5 Note 22, 



War is exclianged for commerce — Pellow is sent with the trading 
caravan to the coast of Guinea — The route taken by him — Priva- 
tions from v/ant of water — How to find it — Wonderful acuteness 
of the senses displayed by a blind ATab — Lions and ostriches — 
How the latter are killed in the desert — Business being finished 
on the coast the caravan returns to Morocco — Displeasure of the 
Emperor Muley Abdallah at the results of the journey — He, as 
usual, slaughters a great many innocent men — He kills a plotting 
Marabout or Saint — An expedition to the Eiver Draa country — A 
cruel sight — The deaths of Jerrory and Bendoobash — Treachery 
of the Emperor — An easy life again — Hunting and fishing — To 
Mequinez — War once more. 

NOW am I again returned • to Mequinez, where this 
bloody villain is for the space of a month employed 
in nothing but contriving ways and means how to put his 
people to death, scarce a day passing without his exercising 
his cruelty more or less. But I could not (very much to 
my dissatisfaction) find any likely means to escape, and 
therefore I found myself of necessity obliged to follow his 
so evil genius till a more convenient season, and to content 
myself under it so well as I could, I being at the end of 
five weeks a second time ordered with a good number of 
troops for Itemoor, and after following the malcontents 
into the mountains for eight weeks, killing all we could 
light on, and plundering their cattle, &c., we again re- 
turned therewith to Mequinez ; and wheie I had not again 


remained no more than three weeks, but I was ordered 
forthwith with the caravan to the coast of Guinea. 

This really gave me some disquiet, as being (I was very 
certain) work cut out for me for at least two years. However, 
to show any dissatisfaction I knew would not be in the least 
availing, and therefore with seeming cheerfulness set out 
thence in company with 12,000 camels (our numbers still 
increasing on the road), and got the first night to the river 
Bate ; the second to Dyefroome ; * the third to Bolegrig and 
Grove, where two rivers meet ; the fourth to Amwoodermel ; 
the fifth to Waddon Enkeese ;t the sixth to Meetheor Obeor,! 
the hundred and one wells ; the seventh to Broash ; the 
eighth to Emshrah Dellia ; § the ninth to Menzet ; and the 
tenth to Morocco, with our caravan very much increased. 
Here we rested ten days ; the eleventh we came to Wadden 
Enfeese ; the twelfth to Zouyet Belhoul ; the thirteenth 
to Kishour ; the fourteenth to Algorarsassa ; the fifteenth 
to Itewaddel ; the sixteenth to Sofeegofulee ; il the seven- 
teenth to Afford ; the eighteenth to Agroot, a small fishing 
cove ; the nineteenth to Tammanert ; the twentieth to the 
river Souze, three leagues to the southward of Santa Crux ; 
the twenty-first to Messah ; the twenty- second to Agolooe ; 
the twenty-third to Ceedehammet Benmoosa,iy where one of 
their famous conjurers, formerly called after that name, 
was buried ; the twenty-fourth to Ofran ; the twenty-fifth 
to Wadnoon,** and which is the last that way, where 
the inhabitants live in houses ; the twenty-sixth to 
Shebeccah, and the twenty-seventh to 
Thence entering the deserts, our numbers now being 30,000 
men, and 60,000 camels complete, each soldier having the 
charge over two ; and we were all of us (saving a few that 

* Dayat-er Eoumi. f Wad Enkees. J Meat Bir oo Bir. 

§ 'Msbrah Dallia. |1 Safeegosoolz. H Sidi Hamid ben Moosa. 
** Wad Nun. f f Sejea Hambra. 


died on the passage) safely conducted by an old blind 
Laurb in five months' time over this sandy ocean, to the 
castle of Shinget. This castle of Shinget belongs to a 
better sort of Laurbs, as they are generally termed ; 
though I think they are all of them a pack of thievish 
bloodthirsty villains, insomuch that whether of them or the 
Moors are the better I shall not take upon me to deter- 
mine. Though indeed, in the original, I take them to be all 
one and the same people, yet is there here a Moorish 
governor always residing, and the plunder and tribute is 
there brought in during the stay of one caravan on the 
Guinea coast till another caravan arrives, and then the 
old ones march off with their booty, and leave the new 
comers the possession. 

In and about this castle was our general rendezvous, 
though we marched thrice to the Wadnil, or river Nile, 
and all such as made any the least resistance we brought 
under subjection with the sword, so that they were either 
obliged to bring in the tyrant's exorbitant demands, or 
to suffer the severe plundering of the army, stripping 
the poor negroes of all they had, killing many of them, 
and bringing off their children into the bargain. At 
our first coming to the river, we found on it a French vessel 
of about eighty tons, and manned by twelve sailors, which 
the Moors swam off to, boarded, and hauled to the shore.* 
But before I proceed any further, I shall first beg leave to 
go back, and tell you of a most extraordinary thing trans- 
acted by our old blind pilot, in our travel over the deserts, 
into which we being entered about fifty days, during which 
we never failed of meeting every day, or every other day 
at the furthest, with some very refreshing springs of water, 
whereby we and our cattle were very much cherished. At 
one of those springs the old man told us that we should 

* Note 23. 


not fail there to fill so many of our skins as would hold 
■water sufficient for all of us for three days at the least, for 
that we should not meet with any more of them during 
that time ; which we did accordingly, and at the third day's 
end we got again to other springs where he told us that 
we should not neglect doing the same, for that we should 
not for a fortnight meet with water oftener than every third 
day ; and which, indeed, we did not. However, we passed 
over those stages without any great matter of murmuring, 
and at the last of them he told us that we should there be 
sure to fill all our skins, and let our cattle drink their fill, 
for that we should not meet with any more water for some 
considerable time, and therefore we should be on our march 
as sparing as possible. But the weather being according 
to the season of the year (it being in the beginning of 
Autumn) exceeding hot, about the sixth day following, we 
being about to pour the water out of our skins, to our very 
great astonishment found them (or at least the greatest 
part of them) quite empty, the excessive heat of the sun 
having exhaled the water through the pores of the leather, 
iusomuch that we to that degree suffered for four days, 
that had not our old pilot cheered us in a wonderful manner, 
it must certainly have been attended with very ill conse- 
quences, it causing amongst us a general murmuring. 
But he desired us to be as easy as we could under our sad 
distress, for that he was well satisfied we should again in a 
short time have water enough, desiring one of our people 
to take him up a handful of sand and hold it to his nose ; 
and after he had snuffed upon it for some short time, he 
pleasingly told we should before two days' end reach other 
springs, and have water enough, travelling on, and en- 
couraging us all in his power. 

In the morning of the second day following he desired 
that another handful of the sand of that place might 


be taken up and held to his nose; on which the party 
taking that which he had smelt of two days before (he 
having still preserved it in a piece of old linen cloth) 
stepped forth and held the same for him to smell to 
again ; and after he had snuffled on it for a much longer 
time than at first, he told him that either the army was 
again marching back, or that he had most grossly and 
basely imposed on him, for that was actually the same or 
some other of the sand of that place he had smelt of two 
days before, and therefore he thought him highly to blame, 
and that he did very ill thus to go about to deceive a dark 
old man. However, it was not in his power, notwithstand- 
ing he had so much like a fool endeavoured it. " There- 
fore," said he, "throw it away, and on your honour take 
me up a handful of the real sand of this place," which, 
after just putting his nose to it, he said in a most pleasant 
manner, "Now, sirs, this is something like," giving us all 
to understand that we should, about four o'clock that after- 
noon, have water sufficient; which was, indeed, at this 
time as comfortable news to me, as my trusty Genoese 
servitor's assurance of procuring me some comfortable 
cordials, when I was sick with my wounds at Fez. 

About noon he desired a fresh handful of sand, which 
putting his nose to, he said, " Ay, ay, this is as it should 
be," ordering us to keep a good look out if we could see any 
wild beasts, ostriches, eagles,'&c., and in such case to tell 
him of it ; and before we had travelled half a league further 
we saw several eagles in the air, and soon after many wild 
beasts and ostriches, flocking together on the sand, and on 
our telling him of it he told us to march directly thither, 
and there we should find several shallow wells of excellent 
water, covered over with the skins of wild beasts. " But," 
said he, " take care you don't disturb it, by pressing on too 
eagerly, but go gradually on, and you will find sufficient 


for you all ; and I further promise to bring you to-morrow 
evening to a very large pond, where yourselves and cattle 
may all drink at once, and where we may again fill our 
skins, so as no more to want water during the remainder 
of our journey, for we shall afterwards meet with little or 
more every day." At last we got up to these so very much 
longed after wells, which we found according to the old 
man's assertion, close covered, but soon hauled off the 
skins, and all of us, to our very great satisfaction, in course 
drank our fill, and then we fell to settling our camp there 
for the night, and there being for a good space round, store 
of pasture, our cattle were as well off as ourselves.* 

By the next morning we were gallantly refreshed ; when, 
after covering the wells (having first filled our skins with 
water, sufficient for that day), we with fresh courage travelled 
on, and got that evening, according to promise, to the spacious 
pond ; and here being also good store of provender, with 
vast numbers of wild beasts, ostriches, &c., we rested two 
days, and through means of our old pilot we killed a great 
many of them after the following manner. On our seeing 
those creatures hankering after the water, and telling our 
pilot of it, he ordered us to dig holes in several places 
round the pond, deep and large enough to hide two or three 
musqueteers in each ; then to draw off the army, when he 
said they would come to drink, so as we might shoot them 
at our pleasure. After which method we in a little time 
killed a great many of them, committing all to pot, as 
lions, antelopes, and ostriches together ; though I think the 
latter by far too good to be thus misused, as being alone 
most excellent and dehcious eating, and of all other birds 
(if it may properly be so called), in the way of serving a 
great many people, by far the most preferable, as weighing, 
no doubt, at the least two hundred pounds weight, and in 

♦ Note 24. 


a manner all one lump of fat, so as one of them decently 
handled will no doubt suffice two hundred men. 

When the native Laurbs are minded to kill an ostrich, 
they generally go out in a party, and at a distance surround 
him, drawing nearer by degrees, driving him from one to 
another till he is at last so tired as that he can seemingly 
do no more harm; which, as he cannot fly, may seem to 
those who are therewith unacquainted to be a very easy 
matter, yet is it, I assure you, a very difficult point. For 
when he is pursued, he runs so swiftly as few horses in 
Barbary can keep up with him : and when he finds himself 
beginning to slacken his pace, and the enemy to gain 
ground upon him, he to that degree spurs himself with 
his spurs (which he hath growing under his wings, pro- 
digious long and sharp) as that he soon again recovers his 
pace, his wings being always extended, and though of no 
benefit to him by way of flying off the ground, yet no 
doubt of a very great addition to his speed in running, he 
being at last run down much in like nature of a hare before 
a pack of hounds, with this difference only, that being 
generally close hunting, this altogether in open view. 

And now to return to the French vessel ; which, after 
taking out some elephants' teeth and blacks (their gold 
being all thrown overboard), was directly burnt, carrying 
the prisoners with us to Shinget, four of them dying in the 
desert on our way homeward, and the other eight we carried 
with us to Mequinez. During our stay on the Guinea 
coast, which was in all about twelve months, we got together 
a very great booty, as gold, ivory, blacks, &c., though it 
did not satisfy our insatiate master, as you will by and by 

Our time being expired, and another caravan arrived, 
we packed up our treasure, and set out for Mequinez, 
getting well to our old pilot's pond without anything hap- 


pening worth my noting, where we again gallantly refreshed 
ourselves during the space of two days, regahng on our 
wild dainties. And after filling all our skins, we set for- 
ward, and got that evening to our so late longed after 
wells, where we again took up our quarters, without im- 
pairing our main stock of provisions, we have several 
ostriches and antelopes, which we brought with us from 
the pond for our supper. The next morning at day- 
break we were again on the march, myself and six more, 
in pursuit of some antelopes, staying about a mile behind 
the rest of the caravan ; when all on a sudden we saw 
twenty of the wild Laurbs riding on camels towards us, 
they having during the caravan's passing by hid them- 
selves behind some large sandy banks, of which were here 
and there several thrown up by the violent winds, and 
again the next storm very likely removed to other places. 
The Laurbs being between us and the army, thought no 
doubt to have made of us sure prize ; six of them advanced 
within a hundred yards of us, and discharged their muskets 
on us, one of their shot grazing along the side of my head, 
and another wounding a Moor close by my side. On which 
we fired at once and killed two of them, when we directly 
rode off to charge, and fired at them again, killing the 
other four, when again riding off we saw several of our 
people coming back to our assistance. 

However, before they came up with us, we had fired twice 
round on the other fourteen, and killed most of those, and 
then we saw many more of their party advancing ; though 
on their seeing those of our people come back they turned 
from us and fled, and lest we might happen to lose sight of 
our army we pursued them no further, but hasted forward as 
fast as we could. After this skirmish we travelled on un- 
molested, taking most special care of our water, so as we 
might not be again reduced to so sad a calamity, I riding 


as often as I could alongside of the old Laurb, asking him 
a great many questions, and particularly concerning his so 
wonderful and surprising knowledge in smelling to the 
sand. To which he, after a most courteous manner, answered 
me that this was his thirtieth journey over this ocean, 
therefore in going and coming his sixtieth time ; that in 
his last four journeys, finding his sight gradually declining, 
he had, by often making the experiment (as having a 
wonderful faculty in smelling), attained to this so wonderful 
knowledge, he being, he said, well satisfied that the loss 
of his sight was thereby in a very great measure compen- 
sated, insomuch that he would engage at any time to tell 
in what part of the desert he was. One day as I was 
riding pretty near him, my camel happened with one of his 
feet to hit against something which sounded very hollow, 
which I telling the old man of, as wondering what it should 
be, he told me it was a mummy. " A mummy," said I, 
" pray what is that ? " " It is," said he, " a human corpse, 
which hath for some time lain buried in the sands, till 
through the excessive heat thereof it is dried to a kecks ; 
and if our surgeons knew it, they would not suffer it (if they 
thought it fit for their purpose) to lie any longer there." " Fit 
for their purpose," said I. " What, is one of them better 
than another ? " " That," said he, " is according to the time 
of their being buried, or of their being more or less dried." 
*' Well, father," said I, "if I should be so lucky to light 
on another, I think I should have curiosity enough to take 
it up." And riding again the next day near the old man, 
he bade me to get off my camel, for that his camel had with 
one of his feet struck against a mummy ; which, by his 
directions, I with the point of my sword soon found, and 
with a spade digged it up in a little time. It was as hard 
as a stock-fish, had all its limbs and flesh (though shrivelled) 
entire, all the teeth firm in the gums ; and as to its being 


any way nauseous, a man might without oJQfence have even 
carried it in his bosom. 

After this, we travelled on without anything else happen- 
ing particular, till we safely arrived at Tedlah, where we 
found Muley Abdallah waiting our coming, diverting the 
time in plundering the country, and murdering his subjects. 
And after he had strictly examined into the value of our 
treasure, he being not at all pleased with it (though no 
doubt it was to the value of some millions of English 
pounds sterling), killed Mod sore, our Bashaw, and seventeen 
more of our principals, with his own hand, and the next 
day twenty-seven chiefs, who came thither to him in all 
humility from several parts of the country with their 
presents, and, to my most unspeakable grief, my deliverer 
from the bloody knife at Assamoor. 

When the tyrant was glutted with blood, we marched with 
him at our head to Mequinez ; whence, after the caravan was 
separated and sent home to their respective habitations, I 
was again at the end of six weeks hurried away on the follow- 
ing expedition : — The tyrant having repeated advices of a 
Vast number of credulous poor souls being (through the 
means of one Enseph* or Joseph Haunsell, a noted conjurer) 
stirred up to rebellion in and about Tedlah, he having 
before shown many of his magic pranks, and had then so 
far insinuated into the giddy multitude as to make them 
believe they should be invulnerable from Muley Abdallah's 
shot, and suchlike stuff, and they pinning their faith so 
far on his sleeve, that they were gathered in a little time 
to a body of at least two hundred thousand men, doing 
even as he commanded them, committing many insolencies, 
and with a high hand (like a great torrent) bearing all 
down before them. All which, I say, coming to the 
Emperor's ears, I am, in company with eighty thousand 

♦ y(j)usuf. 


regular troops, and Salem DucuUee * at our head, ordered 
directly to march against them ; and notwithstanding the 
vast number the conjurer had with him, and those spirited 
up by his pretended conjurations, yet could he not hinder 
them from flying into the heights of the mountains before 
us. However, we followed them so close, that we by the 
sword and musket killed vast numbers in a very little 
time ; and after we had at last conjured the conjurer into 
our custody, we marched with him to Tedlah, where the 
Emperor then was, and gladly received him at our hands, 
telling him that he was very glad to see him there, and 
that as he had hitherto heard so very much of his famous 
conjurations, if he could tell him what death he had within 
himself determined for him, he would, notwithstanding all 
his past villainies, pardon him. To which the conjurer 
making no answer, he told him that he thought his con- 
juration to be then at an end, and that himself was become 
the better conjurer of the two, for that he was very sure 
his hands and feet should be cut off to the arm-wrists and 
ankles ; which was immediately done, and his body thrown 
on a dunghill naked, guarded by fifty soldiers till dead, and 
afterwards left till it was eaten up by the dogs. 

This Enseph Haunsell was actually in his days not only 
a noted magician, but had therein performed many strange 
and very unaccountable things in favour of Muley Hamet 
Deby, as raising to all human appearance vast numbers 
of armed men, and in the Emperor's palace at Mequinez 
making most surprising doings, the doors in and through- 
out it, when they were to all people's seeming close shut 
and firmly bolted, flying open on a sudden of themselves, 
and on the top of the palace walls many armed men 
appearing on horseback, sometimes in grand order, riding 
in ranks, and sometimes in great confusion, rallying and 
* 'Abd es-slam — or Salem — Eddoukkali. 


charging one another sword in hand. This did I myself 
see, as well as many thousand others ; though indeed I 
could not at that time have any further opinion of it than 
that it was a trick or delusion, yet I must confess that I 
had afterwards (when I was about to make my escape for 
good) some reason to believe there was somewhat more 
than imaginary, as shall in its proper place be set forth. 

This way of putting the conjurer to death was premedi- 
tated by the tyrant, though I had never before seen any 
of his subjects despatched by his order that way ; not but 
it was (when they were up in arms one against another in 
their civil wars) cruelly practised, and of which indeed I 
had one night a very melancholy instance. I being out in 
pursuit of some of those rebels, and straying a little from 
my party, in passing by an old ruined house I heard a 
most dismal groan, and which I very attentively listening 
to, I soon heard to be repeated in different accents ; when 
stopping at the entrance, I was soon given to understand 
that there were four brothers (stout young men) lying on 
the floor, having all of them their hands and feet cut off, 
through the cruelty of their enemies of a neighbouring 
town, humbly imploring me to go to their father's house 
and acquaint him with it. 

And after they had given me directions, I went, found 
the house, and was in a little time back again with their 
father and mother, and with them sufficient help and 
light ; and at our entrance we found two of them dead, and 
the other two almost ready to expire. However, they had 
time enough to tell them by whom they were thus used ; 
so that I was, to my very great satisfaction, freed from all 
suspicion of having any hand in it ; of which, had they all 
died in my absence, I might very reasonably have lain 
under a very great one, and have been very innocently 
punished. And now are they all at work in removing the 


two surviving unhappy wretches ; who, on their being 
moved, died also, and then I was courteously entreated 
by their father to go to his house ; which, as thinking 
myself to be altogether unsafe till I had again joined my 
own party, I did not think fit to do ; therefore I went 
directly in quest of them. 

Now am I, after conjuring the conjurer, again breath- 
ing for some short time in Mequinez, and where is soon 
about to be acted by the tyrant the most bloody tragedy 
you ever before heard of; and though I was, during the 
time of the transaction of the first part of this story, with 
the caravan on the coast of Guinea, yet (as I had it from 
so many undoubted reports) I shall here venture to set it 
down for fact, and therefore I will tell it you from the 
beginning, together with all its circumstances. The tyrant 
having amongst his soldiery a particular troop of brave 
men, to the number of about eight hundred, commanded 
by one Musa Jerrory * (one Eli Bendoobash t being his 
lieutenant), who had of a long time behaved after the 
bravest manner, and, like the veteran Janissaries in the 
armies of the Grand Turk, bearing down all before them ; 
but talking a little too freely and openly touching the 
tyrant's most unwarrantable bloody actions amongst his 
subjects, which coming to his ears, he was thereat so 
disturbed that he was thoroughly resolved to get rid of 
them, could he tell how — and which, indeed, as standing 
in very great fear of them, he could not for some time 
contrive how to bring about. 

However, his old friend the Devil soon put it into his 
head, ordering them in a friendly manner to repair forth- 
with to the river Draugh, there to receive and bring to 
him to Mequinez their respective tributes, though he at 
the same time very well knew there was none due to him 
* Moosa El Djerari f Ali ben Doobash. 


from them, they being, on account of their furnishing him 
with a certain number of horsemen for his wars, exempted 
from all other impositions whatsoever ; and he knew, should 
they be any further pressed, they would no doubt soon fall 
on this small number and cut them to pieces. Nevertheless, 
lest they might not do it so soon as he expected, he took 
special care to preadvise them how they should behave to 
them, viz. (for certain reasons of state, as then to him- 
self only known), to put them all to the sword ; for should 
he at that time go about to do justice upon them at home, 
it might chance, as his affaii's then stood, to prove to 
him of very ill consequence ; therefore, as he was in 
danger of his life through their means, he humbly hoped 
they would rid him of them as soon as they found a fit 

And now are these daring lions, like innocent sheep, 
hurrying on to their slaughter apace, their number being 
now reduced to six hundred, the rest of them being slain in 
several former battles ; though on their arrival, and for 
several months after, they were treated after a seeming 
friendly manner, giving them every day fair promises, still 
drilling them on to meet with (if they could on their side) 
a careless opportunity whereby they might, with- the less 
danger to themselves, perform their so bloody order. But 
Jerrory kept his small number in so good order, that they 
could not even at the last find an opportunity to their 

This vigilance of these few troops not a little disturbing 
them, they now order, for the better execution of the 
bloody tragedy, great numbers of armed men to be with 
the greatest privacy raised in several places, and in the 
night-time those several troops to march and join at a 
certain place in one body ; and which, though they were 
in all thirty thousand men, was managed with so much 


secrecy, that had not Jerrory kept a good look out, they 
had no doubt so surrounded him as to have performed 
their orders to a tittle. But he having some small time 
to rally his little army, put himself into as good a posture 
as he could to receive them after the most advantageous 
manner, his troops behaving like gallant soldiers, and in a 
very short time killing thousands of the enemy. 

But alas ! poor men, what could they do against so much 
odds? To conquer was even impossible, and to save their 
lives by flight very hazardous and uncertain ; however, 
either that was to be attempted, or death must inevitably 
attend them ; therefore, after he had of his six hundred lost 
. almost two-thirds, he turned his horse and cried aloud, 
** Follow me ! " cutting himself a passage through the 
enemy, and with two hundred and two, besides himself and 
his lieutenant, in spite of all they could do, got off to 
Mequinez. Which, indeed, was no more than too truly an 
escape out of the frying-j)an into the fire, or the sheep 
running to the old wolves to tell that they would not suffer 
their young ones to worry them ; though had they known 
the threads of their lives to be so near being cut by the 
accursed treachery of a bloody tyrant, they had no doubt 
sold their lives at a much dearer rate. 

Immediately on their arrival into the city, even before they 
could of themselves have the power to appear before the 
tyrant, the two commanders were ordered before him, he 
demanding of them in an angry tone if they had brought 
him what he had sent them for. They told him no ; for that 
the Draughians, after receiving them in seeming friend- 
ship, and for a long time putting them off, and drilling 
them on with fair promises, had basely and treacherously 
fallen upon them with thirty thousand men, and that they 
only, with about two hundred more, were miraculously 
escaped to tell him the most unhappy news. "News," 


said he, " you dogs, of what ? " " Why, sir," said Jerrory, 
** that they fell upon us all at once with thirty thousand 
men." "Very well," said he, **and I don't in the least 
doubt but that you, like dastardly cowards, ran away 
without fighting, to the utter disgrace of me, only for the 
sake of living a little longer and coming home to die by 
the sword of justice ; and which," said he, swearing by the 
life of Mahomet, " you shall do this same hour." They 
told him that they hoped he would first inquire better into 
the merits of their actions, telling him that they had first 
killed their thousands. ** Your thousands," said he, " you 
dogs ! Pray why had not you stood it to the last and killed 
your ten thousands ? " When drawing his sword, Bendoo- 
bash cried out for mercy ; at which Jerrory told him that 
after so many brave actions he had seen him to perform, 
he thought it beneath him and a disgrace to beg his life 
of such a damnable villain ; for that he then, though too 
late, saw the traitor, who, he said, had as good take his 
life then as at another time ; for that he would, no doubt, 
at last murder all his loyal subjects, unless he was by the 
true sword of justice prevented, and therefore he scorned 
to beg his life on any terms of such a bloodthirsty 
damnable villain. On which the tyrant at one^blow struck 
off his head, and that of Bendoobash at another. 

Then he asked for the remainder of theii* men, and being 
told they were all on horseback without the gate, waiting 
their commanders' orders where to set up, after giving his 
guards secret instructions, he with a good body of them 
went directly out to them; and after telling them, after his 
deceitful manner, that he was glad to see them come home 
safe again, that they had had of it a very troublesome 
time, that their horses looked very thin, and the like, he 
•ordered them to alight, in order to their being sent to his 
fitables ; when they answered him that they would, if 



he pleased, ride them thither themselves. " No, no, poor 
hearts," said he, "get off, that I may see how you can 
stand on your own legs ; " at the same time ordering them 
to deliver their arms and draw up into one rank ; which 
they instantly obeying, and he riding forward and backward 
as if the better to view them, they were all on a sudden 
and in a moment shot by his guards, saving one only, who, 
seeing through the tyrant's intentions at his ordering them 
to alight, rode off to one of their churches. The tyrant, 
lest the victims might not be dead enough, ordered his 
guards to prepare to give them a second round, which, 
before they could make ready, the tyrant standing pretty 
near the fallen victims, one of them being still in a 
capacity of rising, and having about him a long knife, got 
so near him, that had not a lad standing by very unluckily 
perceived it, he had no doubt therewith given him his 
just reward by ending his days. 

They were then again all shot at, and all their heads 
being cut of, the bodies laid on their backs, and the head 
of each man laid on his breast, they were for ten days (as 
none daring to carry them off) exposed in the open street 
to public view, and at last stunk to that degree that none 
could endure to come near them ; but the smell even reach- 
ing the tyrant's apartments, they were all at last, saving 
what the dogs had eaten, carried by his order into the fields 
and buried. And so ended this so horrid and barbarous 
murder, which I was a witness of ; though the first part, as 
I said before, I being then on the coast of Guinea, is only 
hearsay, which even as then sounded but harshly to his 
credit, and was soon after, by the Black Army in general 
— most of the late victims being their countrymen — in a 
great measure revenged, by driving him out. 

Immediately after the perpetration of this so horrid and 
premeditated murder, I was with my comrades sent to the 


castle of Boossacran," distant from Mequinez about four 
leagues ; where I had, as to my own particular part, little 
else to do than to hunt, fish, and fowl for myself and 
comrades, having free toleration from the Emperor, 
making amongst us a very good hand of it. Several 
of us chiefly employed our time that way, and killing 
great plenty of game, to our general satisfaction, though 
not to be supposed in any way equal to that of the 
Emperor. We went out, I say, but a few of us together, 
without any dogs, and him with a great many, and several 
hawks, as having at the least, though never a hunter, a 
hundred greyhounds, or long-dogs, and on horseback and 
on foot as many moors and negroes, by way of starters, 
with their long poles in their hands, spreading abreast, 
still beating the cover as they went on. Thus the game 
sheltering therein were either on foot or on wing, it being 
almost impossible for any, saving very young birds or 
leverets lying very close, to escape them, having very often 
on foot together four or five hares, and on wing twice as 
many partridges, and dogs and hawks all at one and the 
same time at work; and with the very great speed and 
force the dogs ran, they being divided into as many parties 
as were hares on foot, and often meeting on the turn, 
struck against one another to that degree that they at 
the best became useless, and many times fell quite dead 
on the spot. After the Emperor spent the forenoon in 
those exercises, and his stomach putting him in mind of 
bis dinner, he generally rode off to a pleasure-house he 
had about a mile or two off, according to the part of the 
country he was then in, to his dinner, though when the 
maggot bit him he had it brought him into the field. 

Near the walls of our castle ran a very fine river, and 
plentifully stocked with many sorts of very excellent fish, 
* Bou Sacran. 


and as I for two reasons very much admired fishing, as 
first for the amusement, and next the gratifying myself 
and comrades with the fruits, seldom a day passed without 
my taking little or more. 

One day, as I and one of my comrades (a Frenchman) 
were fishing, he with a casting-net and myself with a rod, 
and had between us both taken a large basketful, the 
Emperor with one of his brothers, before we saw them, 
were on our backs, and instead of giving us any dis- 
content, he in a seeming pleasing way asked if we had 
taken any fish. I told him yes, showing him to the 
basket ; and after he had looked at them for some time, 
he told us that he had not to his mind of a long time seen 
finer, ordering us to carry them directly to his pleasure- 
house — and which, it being from the place we were then at 
no more than a mile, we did in a very little time; and just 
as we were entering, the Emperor and his brother alighted 
at the gate, and very unexpectedly gave us twenty gold 
ducats, which cheerfully carried us back again to the river, 
and we again filled our basket, and went home to our 
castle as rich as emperors. 

About this time the Emperor having two or three 
expresses on the back of one another from Itewoossey,* 
about four days' journey from Mequinez, intimating that 
a great body of malecontents were there gathered, 
behaving after a most insolent manner, and that they 
were still increasing their numbers, he ordered all the 
light horse he could pick up to be in readiness to go with 
him in person to correct them, and in three days and one 
night we got to the foot of the mountain wherein they had 
sheltered themselves, ourselves and horses sufficiently 
tired, before the rebels were apprised of our coming. 
However, after some short refreshment, we marched on 
* Ait Wassou, a Berber tribe ? 


foot up to their nests, though of the birds we found but 
few, most of them, on notice of our coming up the 
mountain, being flown. Yet, we there found some, 
and some of them we took by pursuit ; but their ways 
being in a manner past finding out to those therewith 
unacquainted, it would have been altogether as dangerous 
as in vain for us to follow them any further. Therefore, 
after two days' pursuit, we again returned to their nests, 
stripped them of all their furniture and provision, then set 
them on fire, and taking with us all their cattle returned 
again down to our horses, where, after two days' refresh- 
ment, and disposing of the cattle, &c., for what we could 
get, we in four days followed the Emperor to Mequinez, 
to which he, being mounted on the finest mare I ever 
saw, rode without any attendant in the space of twelve 
hours, being 140 miles from the place where we then were. 
This mare was about fifteen hands in height, and she was 
all over (except her eyes, which were of a fiery red, and 
eyelids, which were red hairs pinked) as white as snow; 
and notwithstanding the Emperor knew himself to be as 
hated by his subjects as a serpent, yet did he put so much 
confidence in this mare as not to fear when he was on her 
back for any to come after him, for he often rode by 
himself in this manner. 

Now am I, after this short tour, again at Boossacran, 
and every day employed in shooting, fishing, or hunting, 
either for the Emperor or ourselves ; and as he had 
allotted us round the castle sufficient quantities of land, 
with oxen, husbandry implements, and seed corn, many 
of our company set themselves at work, ploughed the 
ground, tilled it, and had plentiful crops. Though, as to 
my own part, I being never in that way instructed, and 
having others to work for me, I never troubled my head 
about it, but acted by general consent as a purveyor 


during the time of tillage, weeding, or harvest ; and at all 
intervals from our farming affairs, excepting those of 
mounting the guard, we were generally all hands on the 
game. And this was, I think, except my intervals at 
Tamnsnah, the most agreeable of all the time of my living 
in Barbary ; though during this, scarce a day passed with- 
out seriously reflecting with myself on escape, which I then 
found to be very hazardous. Therefore, as I found the 
ruin of the country every day more apparently approaching, 
and plainly foresaw that it could not be long e'er the 
tyrant was driven out, and that all would be in the 
utmost confusion, I for the time lived as comfortably as 
I could, and with Christian patience waited the event. 


Tlie tmce between England and Morocco broken by the Sallee men 
capturing an English ship — A Jewish interpreter burnt for 
daring to advise the Emperor — Mr. Pellow meets with an old 
school-fellow in misfortune like himself — The flight of Muley 
Abdallah to Tamdant — Another reverse in the fortunes of war — 
Muley Ali deposed and Muley Abdallah again Emperor — The fate 
of a rebellious chief — How the Fez deputation was treated by 
Abdallah, and how the blind man sp'ared utilized his freedom — 
Oiir author once more meditates escape in the confusion of the 
civil war — A native fortune-teller prophecies fair things for the 
future — He, at last, makes a burst for freedom. 

ABOUT this time was the truce again broken between 
the English and the Moors on the following occasion : 
The Moors having, as they thought, strongly provided 
themselves with shipping, sent to sea the following four, 
viz., Anjour, their Admiral, carrying twenty-four guns; 
Cassam Bcnisha* a new ship never before at sea, carrying 
twenty ditto, EUe 02iad,f of twenty ditto, and Ahsolem 
Candccl,l of sixteen ditto; and Candeel falling in with 
Captain Shelley, of Plymouth, then commander of an Eng- 
lish ship, though freighted by the Portuguese, he having 
on board seventy Portuguese passengers, and amongst 
them six friars, made prize of him, and carried him into 
Mamora. Of which complaint being made to the British 
Consul then at Sallee, he immediately thereon made 

* Kassem ben Isha. f El "Wad. I 'Abd-es-Slam Kandel. 


application to Candeel, to set tbem again at liberty ; and 
which, finding he could not do according to his hope there, 
they being sent all prisoners to Mequinez, he was thither 
resolved to follow them, in order to make his complaint 
to the Emperor. And thither indeed he went, taking with 
one Solomon Namias, a Jew, as his interpreter, and was 
soon introduced to the tyrant, who asked him what he 
would have. To which he answered by the Jew, that he 
was come to acquaint his Excellency with the breach of 
the truce which had so lately been punctually concluded 
on both sides between his subjects and them of his royal 
master ; who, he said, intended nothing less than giving 
him or any of them the least uneasiness, by way of any 
hostilities, as Candeel had very lately done on him and his ; 
therefore he humbly hoped that his Highness would be 
pleased to order the ship and prisoners to be again restored. 
To which the tyrant told him, that the prisoners were 
subjects to the King of Portugal, his bitter enemy, and not 
to the King of Great Britain, his master, and therefore 
lawful prize. When the Jew told him that he thought it 
very hard that the English should not be allowed to carry 
in their own ships passengers of any nation in peace with 
them ; however, he humbly hoped that if he was not then 
disposed to set the Portuguese at liberty, he would at least 
set at liberty all the English and their ship. 

But Candeel being present, he asked the tyrant if he knew 
with whom he had been so long talking. " Talking with," 
said he, " with an Englishman." " No, sir," said Candeel, 
"but with a Jew." " Indeed ! " said he, " with a Jew ! " and 
calling aloud to his guards, " Here," said he, " take away 
Mr. Jew and burn him directly; " and then the soldiers 
laying hold on him, he cried out to the Emperor to save 
his life, and he would give him two hundred cantles of 
silver ; nay, that he would give it only to be admitted to 


speak a few words. " No, thou dog," said the tyrant, " all 
the silver in Barbary shall not excuse thee ; therefore, 
I say, take him away and burn him ; " which they 
instantly did, laying him flat on his belly, heaping in a 
most cruel manner the wood upon him alive, and in a 
little time he, with grievous shrieks, and no doubt in 
very great agonies, expired. His house was afterwards 
ransacked of an immense sum of money, and other riches. 
On which the consul, seeing no likelihood of better success, 
departed, as I was informed, for England. However, I 
know he was back again in a little time, and met with 
better success, as you shall by and by hear. 

Not long after Shelley's captivity, the piratical villains 
being all hands at sea in taking and making prize of all 
Christian nations, there were brought to Mequinez the 
men which belonged to four other English ships ; and I 
having information of their coming, and liberty when I 
pleased to go to the city, I set out from my castle very 
early in the morning to see if any of them belonged to or 
near Falmouth ; and a little before sunrising, I within 
a league of the city met with a great many of the foremost 
of them. Inquiring of them what parts of England they 
were of, and if any one of them belonged to or near the 
above-said place, they told me yes, there was one coming up, 
named George Davies, of Flushing, a small seaport town 
within that harbour ; and with whom I soon joined, asking 
him if he knew me. He told me no. " Why," said I, " you 
and I were once schoolfellows together at the church-town 
of Milor." "Indeed ! " said he, "I cannot imagine who you 
should be, unless you are Thomas Pellow, who I have of a 
long time heard was in his childhood carried with his 
uncle into Barbary." '* Indeed," said I, " I am that un- 
happy person," telling him I was very glad to see him 
again, though very sorry it should be in that part of the 


world, under such unhappy circumstances. He told me 
it was his hard fate, but he must endeavour, as well as I 
had done before him, to bear it with patience. 

And after they were all entered the city, and according to 
custom carried before the Emperor, and sent to the Canute, 
I went to him, and cheered him up in the best manner I 
could, and afterwards visited him as often as opportunity 
would permit, he being with the rest of his comrades put 
to hard labour, and so kept for the space of three or four 
months; when the consul returned from England again with 
the character of ambassador, and full power to treat with the 
tyrant for the redemption of all the English slaves ; which, 
notwithstanding his so late ill success, and no doubt no 
little fright at the barbarous usage af the Jew, he managed 
so weU, that he procure their freedom in a very little time, 
being in all 148 in number ; and they were by him and 
old Hammet Benelly * conducted to Tetuan, there to be 
kept till better security should be given for their ransoms, 
though they were at last, on the ambassador's offering 
himself to remain there for them as an hostage till it 
arrived, all by the Bashaw's consent shipped off. 

And happy indeed was it for them, for they had but a 
short time departed before the tyrant was driven out by the 
Black Army, and Muley Aly set up in his room, and a 
peremptory order sent by him to Tetuan to send them all 
back again to Mequinez, These released slaves, on their 
marching off from Mequinez, had leave (for the better 
performance of their march to Tetuan) to refresh them- 
selves for eight days at Cassavah-hartan, t where, at their 
request, I undertook to carry them some brandy, and got 
thither for the first time in safety with several gallons in 
bullocks' bladders : and they desiring me to come again 
the next day with some more, I told them it was a very 
* Hamid Ben Ali. f Kasbah Hartan. 


dangerous undertaking. However, to oblige them, I would 
try what I could do, and had accordingly got my bladders 
again filled and tied up round my waist within my 
blanket. But alas ! in going without the city, I was very 
unhaj^pily surprised by some of the Emperor's people ; 
who, on their finding the bladders about me, laid hold on 
me and committed me to close prison in irons ; though 
not altogether, I believe, so much on account of the 
brandy, as of a jealousy they had (as I was so great with 
my countrymen) of my endeavouring an escape with them. 
So that in all likelihood (unless they were by some Jews 
going to Hartan, who knew how it was with me, informed 
to the contrary) my countrymen, no doubt, thought that I 
did not use them kindly ; but whether it was one or the 
other, I know that I suffered by it very severely, insomuch 
that had not Muley Abdallah, through his so frequent ill 
usage of his subjects, been every moment in danger and 
fear of being driven out, I should in all likelihood have 
there taken up my quarters for a much longer time ; but I 
was, at the end of twelve days, again set at liberty. 

Now might you hear, even in all places, the Blacks 
threatening, " A new master, a new master, or none ! " 
being the general cry ; which, and on certain advices of a 
great body of them gathered at Shoarumlah, about two 
days' march from Mequinez, and that they were soon about 
to pay him a visit, put him into such a fright, that he, by 
way of sugar-plum, sent them 220,000 ducats of silver ; 
and whilst they were disputing about their respective 
dividends, he packed up all the rest of his treasure and 
fled with twelve thousand horse ; but he was in a short 
time to that degree forsaken by them, that before he 
reached Morocco he had not more than five hundred of 
them remaining. Yet, notwithstanding their daily falling 
off from him, he still took special care to destroy all the 


stores of corn as he went on, so as the Blacks might not 
be the better for it ; and which, as they followed him, 
they too soon found, to their very great dissatisfaction. 
However, they still hurried on the pursuit, till they came 
up within two days' march of him ; of which being ac- 
quainted by his spies (after being at Morocco ten days), he 
with his small number hurried thence four days' long 
journey by a round-about way towards Sallee, and settled 
at a place called Bolowan, where he had also vast stores 
of grain laid up, all which he freely gave to the inhabitants, 
with liberty to carry off at their discretion anywhere 
but to the enemy. And here, as I could not yet venture 
on escape, and foreseeing the scale would soon again turn 
to his side, notwithstanding his cruel and bloody nature, 
I, only by myself, joined him ; and which proved, indeed, 
according to my own sentiments, of two evils to be choosing 
the best. 

The second day after my joining him, on notice from his 
spies that the Black Army were again within two days' 
march of him, he with his small number (which was 
then reduced to four hundred horse, excluding his beasts 
of carriage) moved thence three days' smart journey to 
Shishrah ; where, on certain notice of the Blacks not 
following him, we settled sixteen days, and at the end of 
which, on hearing they were again within two days' march 
of us, he moved also thence, and in three days' and one 
night's tedious journey we got to the mountain of Iminta- 
noot ; and there falling all that night a very heavy snow, 
we were by the morning almost dead with cold. However, 
we were soon after daybreak, by way of warming our 
blood, attacked by a great body of mountaineers, who 
killed several of our small number, and of the mules laden 
with Muley Abdallah's treasure they took and carried off 
at least forty. All which, notwithstanding our few could 


have beat them, did we (as fearing a far greater danger 
to be at our heels) think ourselves obliged to suffer, and 
to hurry on till we thought ourselves to be better secured 
from their rage. And that evening we got to Immintackca- 
most, between two huge mountains, ourselves and cattle 
almost spent, where we rested till midnight, and afterwards 
travelled on between the mountains till daybreak, and till 
four o'clock that afternoon ; at which time we got to 
Umcest Elcashib,* at the foot of another very high moun- 
tain, called Bebown,t settling there that night, and the 
next day over this high mountain to Terrident, where he 
was most kindly received by the inhabitants, and directly by 
them put in possession of a strong castle ; where the Black 
Army, as thinking their families at home to be greatly 
exposed in their absence amidst such distracting commo- 
tions, did not think proper to follow him. 

Now is the tyrant again breathing in security, remaining 
here about eighteen months, though not altogether in 
peace ; for, notwithstanding all our neighbouring districts 
(saving that only that of Howorrah) on his summons came 
in to his assistance, yet they being a pack of daring 
thieves, living all together on the spoil of their neighbours, 
would not on any terms obey him, but plainly told his 
messengers, that whereas they had so long depended on 
their own strength, they were then so resolved to continue, 
and not to submit themselves to him, or anybody else, be 
the consequence what it would, and that they cared not 
for him a rush. 

Now is the tyrant, notwithstanding his haughty and 
cruel nature, at a stand how to behave, such affronts being 
never before put upon him. However, as his affairs now 

* Umseet el-Kashib. 

I Bibaouan, or Bitoutouan, where there is a pass across the Atlas 
aboiit 4,200 ft. high. 


stood, he thought himself obliged to temporise and win 
them to his party, if he could, they being about six thou- 
sand daring fellows ; and his own army being so very 
small, he knew if he could by fair persuasions get them 
over to him, it would be, as his desperate fortune then 
stood, of very great advantage to him ; and therefore he 
sent to them again, though he was answered to the same 
purpose, gaining nothing but a more fancy confirmation of 
their insolence, which nettled him to that degree, that he 
was resolved to watch all opportunities to be up with them. 
He being also solicited by the honest party (to whom these 
thieves had of a long time been a grievous nuisance) to 
correct them, he went out against them with two thousand 
horse and four thousand foot, marching directly to Umce- 
derrah, a little walled town, where many of their chiefs 
resided, and where there was then about six hundred of 
them ; who shutting the gates against us, in an insolent 
manner bid us defiance. 

The main body of them was then abroad on the plunder. 
And now, on my seeing many of our people to have raised 
themselves on the top of the wall, and not being willing 
to be behind any of them, I was soon wounded by two 
musket shots in my left shoulder and the small of my 
left leg, and by some of my comrades holpen off the 
wall, many others of them soon sharing the same fate, 
and were with me carried off to our camp. There we 
were by far in the better situation, for as they were 
carrying us thither, we saw the main body of the rebels 
coming back to the relief of their town and comrades ; 
and our main body being between the town and them, 
there was soon betwixt them a smart engagement, our 
people receiving their first fire, and then instantly falling 
on them sword in hand ; which way of fighting they not at 
all liking, like dastardly villains turned their backs and 


fled. However, their flight was not so prosperous, but that 
we slackened the pace of a great many of them, killing at 
least two thousand ; and our party, saving about a thou- 
sand, who were sent to plunder and burn the town, returned 
with fifteen hundred of their heads to Terrident, to the 
very great joy of the inhabitants, and with the loss only 
on our side of about one hundred and fifty men, and about 
sixty wounded. 

Now is the tyrant, after subduing those insolent thieves, 
in very high esteem at Terrident, and treated by the 
country round as their Emperor indeed, heaping in their 
presents upon him in great abundance ; and those who 
were not thereof so mindful as he thought they ought to 
be, he failed not to quicken their memories by a party of 
horse ; though, in short, he had no very great occasion of 
using hostilities, all (or at least the much greater part of 
them) readily conforming to his demands, and his army, 
very much to his satisfaction, by the end of eighteen 
months was increased to eight thousand brave soldiers. 
At which time, on advice from his mother of the Blacks 
being also highly disgusted with the proceedings of Muley 
Ali, and that she had again gained the greatest part of 
them to his interest and restoration to the throne, and that 
she would have him to hasten with all diligence to Mequinez, 
he with his army left Terrident, and in twenty four days 
arrived at and sat down before Tedlah, where the Alcaydes 
Mulootjibbilly and Mahomet Belchouse were with four 
thousand soldiers closely shut up, and denied him entrance 
after a most insolent manner, which to that degree nettled 
him, that he was thoroughly resolved to get in by force, or 
not to give out so long as he saw any probability remain- 
ing. And there was for three days very hot work on both 
sides, when the rebels finding they could not with all their 
strength keep him from entering, they gave us up the town 


in possessioD, and retired into the castle, where they held 
us at bay for the space of thirty-three days, and then, 
though they had not all this while killed of us above a 
hundred, they surrendered themselves to the Emperor's 

Now are they ordered to march out, and thirty- seven of 
their chiefs (but without Mulootjibbilly) instantly appearing, 
they were by the Emperor (who was then sitting on horse- 
back on the other side of a river which ran between him 
and the town, out of musket shot) commanded before him, 
asking them in a furious manner if they did not think 
themselves to be very insolent fellows, not only to deny 
their sovereign entrance into his own town, but impudently 
to murder his body-guards before his face, as no doubt they 
would him had it been in their power ; that he thought they 
might think it enough for him to be driven from his own, 
and to make such hard shift as he had done for the last 
two years, to content them for all the injuries he had ever 
done them, for that he had undergone a very hard and 
unjust exile. Yet had fortune again put it in his power to 
revenge his own injuries, and that they should be the first 
sacrifices to his just rage. 

Then looking at them very fiercely, he commanded of 
them aloud where was Jibilly. They told him, that as he 
had been for some time before in his dishabille, he was 
then, in order to appear with the greater decency before 
his sovereign, putting on his clothes. ** A dog," said 
he, ** has he a mind to die in state ! " looking at our 
people. "Go," said he, "bring the dog before me!" 
but hearing soon after, as all thought, the report of a 
musket, a messenger came to tell him that he had shot 
himself with a pistol. "A dastardly dog," said he, " shot 
himself ! Go run, fly, bear his body to the top of the walls, 
throw it down, and drag it hither ; " which was instantly 


done, and his head as their grand ringleader cut off, and 
after his, those of all the rest, and their bodies thrown into 
the river ; when he also ordered to be brought before him 
all Jibilly's servants, in number thirty-seven, who were all 
used after the same manner ; and all the heads were set 
up on a little watch-tower, just within the drawbridge ; 
after which he pardoned all the rest, and then we were 
again at liberty to refresh ourselves. 

However, as our army was by this time very much 
increased from Mequinez and divers other places, he did 
not think fit to go into the town, but encamped with 
them on the further side of the river, where he had 
before received the victims ; and where in a very short 
time after, came to him Howmead Losmee,* and with 
him six thousand Blacks, to acquaint him from the Black 
Army in general, that they w^ere all again entirely in 
his interest, and that he was come by their orders to 
reconduct him to his former possessions. To which he 
answered, that as he had so lately received at their hands 
such ill usage, it was very much to be doubted if their 
hearts and tongues wagged together, for that he had 
through their means already undergone most unspeakable 
hardships, therefore he hoped they could not take it ill 
(considering it to be very natural for a burnt child to dread 
the fire) for him to insist on nine of their principals to be 
first delivered into his hands, as a pledge of their sincerity, 
and after naming who they should be, as first Selam Ducul- 
lee,t their head Bashaw, and four of his sons, Elly I Ducullee 
their kinsman, Abderheem,§ Coddoorlasseree,,i and Ab- 
dallah Bememsoddeel ; H on which Howmead Losmee went 
directly back again to Mequinez, and at the end of ten days 

* Hamid Losmee. \ Salem Eddoukkali. j AJi. 

§ 'Abd-el-krim. || Kadoor Lasiree. 

^ 'Abd-Allah Ben-es-SoddeeL 



again returned with them, when he, notwithstanding his 
slippery footing, ordered four of them, viz., the two elder 
Ducullees, Adberheem, and Coddoorlasseree to be instantly 
on the spot beheaded ; and the four sons after beholding 
the deaths of their fathers, to be with Bememsoddeel con- 
ducted by the army to Mequinez, where the tyrant at the 
head of his old army and the so scarcely reconciled blacks 
intermixed, got safe in six easy days' march ; and, after his 
long absence of twenty-two months, again in possession of 
the empire ; though by the blacks, nor they by him, no 
further trusted, than one enemy might another. 

Now is Muley Abdallah, notwithstanding his so late and 
grievous exile, again about Mequinez, beginning again to 
butcher his subjects,* sending the five surviving hostages 
in chains to Boossacran, where the four brothers were in a 
very short time strangled, and Bememsoddel (to show the 
tyrant's very extraordinary clemency) pardoned, and sent 
back again to Mequinez to rejoice with his friends. The 
tyrant, not content with murdering his subjects, treated 
the poor Christians at Boossacran after a most grievous 
and cruel manner, setting them at work in digging a deep 
and wide ditch through a hard rock round his pleasure- 
house, himself with his severe eye being their overseer. 
One day came thither, with their presents and excuses for 
not waiting on him at Tedlah, twenty -five of the principal 
inhabitants of old Fez, telling him in great humility, that 
notwithstanding they had not waited on him there, yet 
were they nevertheless his Majesty's most dutiful and 
obedient servants altogether as much as those that had, 
and that he might be assured that it should in all their 
future actions be made most evidently appear. At which 
the tyrant, smiling, answered, " My most rebellious Fasees, 
I mean my masters and governors, or at least I know it 

* Note 25. 


would be were it in your power, which I am resolved shall 
never be." 

Then calling to his guards, " Here, take these dogs 
and call the headsman," who instantly appearing, he 
ordered him to cut ofif all their heads ; and the victims 
being placed in a row, he struck oflf twenty-four of them, 
at as many strokes, and then the tyrant ordered him to 
hold his hand, for that he had taken notice of the survivor 
to be blind in one eye, and therefore as he could then see 
more than all the rest, he would send him back to his 
fellow-citizens to reform their errors, and to tell them if 
they did not he would not in a very short time leave a 
head upon the shoulders of any one of them. Although in 
that, indeed, he was very much mistaken, he being himself 
in a very little time after, by the Black Army and then of 
Fez, through the instigation of this narrow-escaped blink- 
ard, a second time driven out, and Mahomet Woolderriva 
(one of his brothers) '•' set up in his room. And now the 
tyrant wanting money, horses, arms, &c., I am, with 
Bashaw Cossam Bereezom t and several thousand others, 
sent to Belearge's old garrison of Stant (or rather, indeed, 
my own), I being after his death put in possession of it 
by old Muley Smine.t Then the inhabitants were directly 
ordered to bring in all they had, and which I believe many 
of them did, and others were about to do, as they would 
no doubt all done, had not the tyrant fled with a few into 
the mountains, sending a letter to the Bashaw at Stant 
for him to follow him with all his people, for that on him 
was his sole dependence, and therefore as his affairs were 
then at the lowest ebb, he desired that he would be as expe- 
ditious in it as possible he could ; yet notwithstanding he 
was very inclinable thereto, and used all possible arguments 
with his people, he could not prevail with more (though 
* Note 26. f Kassam Bereezoon. + Note 27. 


our whole army then was in all 15,000) than 800 to go 
with him. And as to my own part, I thought I had followed 
him and his evil genius too far before, and therefore as I 
saw a likely prospect for escape, was resolved to follow him 
no further, but with all my might to pursue it ; and in 
order thereto I directly went back in company of 14,000 
of my fellow-soldiers to Mequinez, and went directly to the 
Black Army, where we found Mahomet Woolderriva as 
Emperor at their head, offering him our service, and directly 
joining them, and as at that time our number, by way of 
falling from one party and joining the other, was very con- 
siderable, we were by him most courteously received. 

Now before I can bring my marks to bear, I find myself 
obliged to make a short tour or two, and after my so long 
and many good services in the armies of the tyrant, am 
now about to fight against him, as indeed I could always 
(and especially after his cruel usage of my deliverer from 
the bloody knife at Assamoor) have found in my heart to 
have done ; for notwithstanding I followed him and his evil 
genius so long, yet did I always hate him, and now to that 
degree, that I was resolved to hazard the last drop of my 
own blood to sacrifice that of the tyrant to Simmo Hamet's 
ghost. And in order thereunto I am now one in an army of 
100,000 well-appointed soldiers following him with a zealous 
resolution of revenge into the mountains, and though we 
made all imaginable speed and searched the lurking-places 
as hunters for their game for the continuance of three 
days, yet could not we light on him; therefore as the 
weather was excessive cold, the snow prodigious deep, and 
still more falling, we by the general consent for that time, 
and till a more convenient season, left him there with his 
few attendants to cool his ungovernable passions, and 
returned almost dead with cold to Mequinez.* 
* Note 28. 


Now am I again all on fire for escape, and notwithstand- 
ing my former miscarriages and miraculous preservations 
that way, why might not I once be so lucky to get clear ? 
I was twice before within an ace of it ; and therefore, why 
might not my chance the third time turn up that ace also ? 
However, I thought it highly necessary, that before an 
affair of that nature was again to be undertaken, it ought 
to be with myself seriously debated, and therefore I seriously 
considered thereof, and proposed several ways to myself. 
As first, that notwithstanding my so narrow escape, on 
failure of escaping at Marcegongue, why might not I now 
be by that way successful ? To which I was by myself soon 
answered, Eemember the murdering knife at Assamoore 
bow narrowly I missed it, and that my deliverer was then 
dead, and very probably many of my cruel persecutors 
still living ; why might I not fall again into their hands ? " 
And therefore it was a most hazardous and dangerous 
undertaking. "Then," said I, "why may not I get off 
from Sallee ? " I was again by myself answered, " Con- 
sider the story of the sloop, and Alcayde Ambork Foolan, 
the Black Governor." " That," said I, " can be no obstacle 
to my designs, he being to my knowledge long since dead ; 
and as to the Moors, they knew nothing of the matter ; " 
and therefore set it down in probability number one. 

And next came in question, that in case I could not suc- 
ceed there to my mind, what likelihood might there be by way 
of Santa Cruz ? To which I was again by myself answered, 
that Santa Cruz was a very long and dangerous journey ; 
however, if I took care to manage with caution, it might 
be the most likely of the two. So I for the time, without 
settling my resolutions, left it to hang between them both 
till the morning, and so well as I could settled myself for 
the night to sleep, and I being therein very much disturbed 
by dreams, as how I should get up and be going, &c. I 


at my awaking made a thorough resolution with myself to 
go first to Sallee, and if I could not there perform to my 
mind, to proceed for the latter place. 

My resolutions thus settled, I made all the necessary 
preparations in my power for my departure ; and then, 
to my very great dissatisfaction. I was, on some advices 
brought to Mequinez from the mountain Ceedehamsoe, 
directly again summoned to arms, and with the army 
(consisting of one hundred thousand Blacks and fifty 
thousand Moors) obliged to march thither ; for that Muley 
Abdallah was there, and that he had there about him 
a vast army of the mountaineers, which indeed we soon 
found far to exceed our numbers. But the weather 
being exceeding wet, as we had almost continual rains for 
sixteen days, we could not, so soon as we would, attack 
them ; however, at last the rains ceasing, we fell upon them 
sword in hand, and after a shrewd skirmish, wherein many 
thousands were slain on both sides, we put them to flight, 
the tyrant (soon after the commencement of the engage- 
ment) with a few showing the rest the way. And as they 
were well acquainted with those secret haunts, and we on 
the other hand altogether unacquainted, we thought it by 
no means proper to follow them, but returned again to 
Mequinez ; and though we had of it for two months a very 
hard time, and lost a great many thousands of our men, 
yet I am, thank God, as to my own part, to my very great 
satisfaction unwounded, and which did (thank the Divine 
Majesty) in a wonderful manner confirm my former resolu- 
tions; and on the eighth day following I set out. But 
before I proceed, I shall first beg leave to acquaint you, 
that on the seventh day, or day before my departure, I 
happening to be in company with two .of my old acquaint- 
ance, a German and a Spaniard, there came in a black 
woman, who looked very hard at me, desiring I would give 


her a blankeel. " A blankeel ! " said I. " Yes," said she, 
** and then I will tell you all the secrets of your heart." 
I told her I would with all my heart give her a blankeel ; 
but as to my fortune, as being no doubt but a foolish whim, 
I had much rather it should be left alone, and therefore she 
should not trouble her head any further about it. ** Fob," 
said she ; ** but I must, that you may (when you are got 
off safe to your own country) think upon me." ** To my 
own country ! " said I, in a seeming surprise. " What in 
God's name can you mean by that ? Prithee talk no more 
of such impossibilities." " Oh, no, no," said she ; "it is 
not impossible, and that you will soon find." 

Then putting one end of a piece of green cane she 
had in her right hand into the fire, taking it out, and 
therewith crossing the palm of her left hand, she told 
me my real fortune indeed ; as how I had of a long 
time, and was then resolved within myself on escape, 
that I had more than once before endeavoured it, though 
without success, even to the hazard of my life. How- 
ever, I should not then fear, for I should actually be 
successful. " Therefore," said she, " let not your courage 
be cast down, for you shall, though with much toil 
and many hazards, get safe home, and find your 
father and mother (who have for many years suffered a 
great deal on your account) still living." "Oh," said I, 
** you are in that very much mistaken, my father and 
mother having for many years ago been in their graves ; 
and had they, as you say, been still living, they would 
never have been by me seen more. Therefore," said I, 
" pray talk no further on this subject, for if it should be 
carried any further, it might be taken for fact, and prove 
to me of very dangerous consequence." ** No, no," said 
she, " keep but a good heart and your own secrets, and aU 
the devils in Barbary shall not have power to frustrate your 


intentions, for to Christian land are you bound, and thither 
again are you destined to go." 

To lean on, or to give any credit to such fopperies as 
these, was what I could never before chime in with ; yet, 
as she had so far told me my intentions hitherto, I could 
not but entertain of what was to come more than a common 
notion, and that Enseph Haunsel's magic doings heretofore 
at Mequinez were more than imaginary ; and therefore I 
was very much encouraged herewith. And now am I about 
to lay me down for the last time to sleep in Mequinez, 
where I had so often before had an aching heart ; and as I 
could not now take any rest, I seriously reflected with 
myself how wonderfully I had been hitherto (through the 
goodness of God) preserved from so many perils and 
dangers, how many thousands I had seen slain in the 
field of battle, and why it might not have been my 
unhappy fate as well as theirs ; then humbly offering up 
my most unfeigned thanks to God for all His mercies 
hitherto received, and earnestly imploring His future 
protection, got me up, and soon with an eager resolution 
set myself in order for my march. And as all my trans- 
actions under any of their emperors end here, I shall (and 
I think very properly) call the following part of my history 
my wonderful escape and happy return. 


On the road to freedom — At Sallee the fugitive meets with Muley 
El Mustadi, afterwards Emperor of Morocco — He is suspected and 
arrested, but is permitted to go — Leaves for Mequinez as a bUnd, 
but actually makes for Tedla — Meets a band of conjurers, and, as 
the result of being in bad company, is robbed by a rival gang — 
Falls in with two Spanish quack doctors, and takes up their trade 
— He meets an old friend, and practises physic with indifferent 
success — Fish without fish-hooks — In peril from wild beasts — 
Food without lodgings — How a Moorish highway robber is 
chowsed — An-ives in Morocco city, and is succoured by a friend — 
Sets out for Santa Cruz — Doctoiing on the way. 

NOW, after my so long and grievous captivity, cruel 
hardships, wonderful and miraculous preservations 
in the wars of the Infidels, &c., I am, you see, again fully 
bent on escape. In which, as all was then in the utmost 
confusion, and I was so very well acquainted with the 
country, I flattered myself with a pleasing prospect of 
success ; though you will find my travels to be attended 
with many grievous troubles and hazardous incidents ; and 
which, could I have foreseen, would no doubt in a great 
measure have frustrated my designs. However, as these 
afilictions happened to me unlooked for, I no doubt bore 
them with a braver and more steadfast resolution. 

Now am I soon about to encounter with this so hazardous 
and painful undertaking ; and at the end of the eighth day, 
after my return to Mequinez from pursuing Muley Abdallah 


the second time into the mountains, I set out thence about 
midnight with myself only for Sallee. There in three 
days, and the latter part of that night, I safely arrived, 
and notwithstanding I made all diligent inquiry after a 
ship, yet could I not there to my mind find any for my 
purpose in three days, and therefore I was resolved to push 
my way for Santa Cruz so well as I could ; and the next day, 
at my going out of the town, I was surprised by some 
soldiers, who laid hold on me, and carried me before Muley 
Mataddy,* the Governor, and brother to the then Emperor, 
who asked them who I was, and for what reason brought 
before him. To which he was answered that they could 
not tell. " No ! " said he ; " are you not then very pretty 
fellows to stop a man for you not what ? " asking me who 
I was, and whither I was going. I told him I was one of 
his brother's soldiers, and that as I very lately returned 
to Mequinez from following Muley Abdallah a second time 
into the mountains, and correcting the mountaineers 
gathered there in his favour, I was by his brother's 
permission come thither to visit my old acquaintance, and 
that I was then again going back to Mequinez ; on which 
he gave the soldiers orders to set me at liberty. Yet did 
they thus treat me a second and a third time, at my going 
out of the town, still carrying me before him, telling him 
at last that I was a Christian, and that I was about to 
make my escape to Christian Land. " To Christian 
Land!" said he, staring me in the face. "Sir," said I, 
*' as to that they may say as they please ; however, before 
your Excellency gives any credit to it, I humbly desire you 
will ask them their reasons for suspecting me ; " and they 
being able to give none, he told them that they were a pack 
of insolent fellows, that they should let me go, and if to 
Christian Land, what was that to them ? 

* Note 29. 


Now am I again at liberty, and, as a blind, again on my 
road towards Mequinez, but out of which I soon turned 
towards Tedlah, wherein I had not travelled very far 
before I fell in company with one of their noted conjurers, 
having with him about four hundred of the poor credulous 
inhabitants, going also that way. But his conjurations 
did not find out my intentions, as to whither I was 
travelling, no more than that himself and followers should 
be that evening by a greater party plundered and stripped, 
as indeed they were, together with myself, to our skins ; 
which, though a grievous misfortune, I was with Christian 
patience obliged to bear, and to travel on in this condition 
full three days in very cold weather, before I could get any 
thing even to cover my nakedness, and then I was so happy 
to get, through very great chance, a piece of old matting ; 
and afterwards in that condition sufifering extreme cold and 
hunger, it was eight days before I reached Tedlah, though 
there I did not enter, but directly crossed the river running 
at the foot of the high mountain Summough, and where I 
most opportunely met two Spaniards straggling the country, 
by way of deceiving the credulous inhabitants with their 
quack medicines. 

However, be that as it will, it was for them good 
enough, and the same Spaniards were to me very kind 
and true friends in necessity, giving me a piece of an 
old blanket, filling my belly with such as they had, 
giving me friendly advice, six blankeels, several of their 
medicines, and an old lancet and burning iron, to set up 
for myself ; and which indeed I, the better to conceal my 
intentions in my travels through the country, directly put 
in practice. And now am I asking every one I meet, if 
they had any work for the doctor ; and the day after my 
parting from my benefactors, I happened to see a woman 
standing at the entrance of a tent, of whom (after giving 


her the country salute) I asked if she had any occasion or 
business for the doctor. "Yes," said she, "I have, and 
more I doubt than you are able to perform," calling to her 
daughter to help her father forth to the light ; and which, 
whilst the girl was about, the good wife asked me what I 
did with those things in my hand ; and where, indeed, as 
I had no pocket, I was obliged to carry them. " Do with 
them?" said I, looking her full in the face; "the one is for 
letting blood, and the other used in many distempers for 
burning, they being in my way of business two of the most 
necessary instruments." ** Oh, then," said she, " I suppose 
you are an experienced doctor?" "Yes," said I, "instead 
of a better." " Alas ! " said she, " I wish with all my 
heart you may cure my husband, for he is so very drowsy, 
that I fear he will die in his sleep." By this time his 
daughter had brought him forth to the door of the tent. 
"Now, doctor," said the wife, "is he not a sad object?" 
" Indeed," said I, " he is, and I could wish with all my 
heart I had for all our sakes seen him sooner, for that his 
distemper was then gone very far, and his condition very 
dangerous ; however, I would try what I could do on him, 
there being but two ways of saving his life, and if one of 
them (which was bleeding) would not do, I must be also 
obliged to practice the other, which was burning." 

So I went directly to work in binding up his arm, and to 
that degree tied it with a strong hempen cord, that he com- 
plained of it very much. And now I am at a stand and a 
very great loss (had the instrument been never so well in 
order) how to perform, and in the condition it then was, 
much more so, for it was really very blunt, and extremely 
rusty ; however, as I found myself obliged to make the best 
use I could of a bad market, I in or near the vein gave him 
a very hearty prick, asking him if he felt it. " Feel it ! " 
said he, "yes, yes." "Well," said I, "best of all." And 


little or no blood appearing, I twice repeated it, and though 
I pricked him much deeper than at first, yet could not I 
for my life (though I made him twist like an eel) make him 
bleed ; and then I told him that I feared I should also be 
obliged to burn him. " Burn me ! " said he in a very great 
surprise. "Yes," said I, " burn you." " No, I hope not," 
said he. "Oh, but," said I, " I do not mean by putting 
you into the fire, but with a pretty little iron I have for 
that purpose, in the head." ** And do you think, doctor, 
that will do me any good? " "That," said I, "I cannot tell; 
but if you will be conformable to my rules, either that will 
do you good, or nothing." " Oh, then, good doctor, burn 
me, burn me ; " and which, indeed, after heating my iron 
red-hot, I did in three several places very smartly, till I 
made him (as well he might) to twist and cry out after a 
most piteous manner. " Well," said I, " you are, I think, 
considering your so very dangerous condition, a very faint- 
hearted soldier," desiring him to look, if he could, at my 
forehead, and to tell me if he did not think it to be much 
more burnt than I had burnt him. ** Yes," said he, " and 
it was, no doubt, very painful to you." " Yes," said I, 
" that it was, and yet my doctor did not think so, nor that 
he had burnt me enough. But come," said I, " have a good 
heart, take this small paper of powders about ten o'clock 
at night, and if you cannot sleep, it will be as I desire. 
For as your distemper is what we call a lethargy, sleep will 
incessantly steal on you; and therefore, when you find 
yourself pretty much inclined to it, and your wounds are 
not painful enough to keep you waking, order the good 
woman to rub them up afresh with her fingers, and never 
mind the pain ; " telling him further, that as I was obliged 
to go that night to a patient about a league off, I could for 
that time stay with him no longer, and that by the time I 
came back, I did not doubt but to hear of his being much 


easier." And after I had filled my belly with cuseassoe, 
and for my doctorship received six blankeels, as an earnest 
penny, and a cake of white bread, I left them to their 
prophet Mahomet, and their country doctors ; and though 
I had the good fortune to go no more back to inquire into 
the success of the operations, yet had I an account of it by 
one of his sons soon after, to my very great surprise, as 
you will by and by hear. 

Now am I again on the tramp ; and that evening, instead 
of one league, I travelled five, ascending up to the top of 
a high mount called Itatteb, where I found several in- 
habited tents, but no admittance. However, I with much 
ado got out of one of them a pretty large billet of fire; 
and with which, after I had gathered good store of dry 
wood, and laid a good parcel of it in a heap, I kindled a 
fire, and before the darkness came on I had gathered wood 
enough, as I thought, to continue my fire all night ; which 
no sooner approached, than I plainly heard a great many 
jackals coming yelping towards me, and still drawing 
nearer and nearer, which gave me sufficient reason to 
suppose I should be soon surrounded by far more dangerous 
companions, as indeed I soon was by lions, tigers, leopards, 
panthers, &c., in abundance, making such a hideous and 
frightful noise as was enough to terrify a more courageous 
man than myself. 

Though I cannot say I was altogether void of fear, 
yet was I thoroughly persuaded with myself that, so 
long as my fire continued, they would not ofier to approach 
me so near as to do me any harm, I almost continually 
holding a firebrand well-lighted at one end in my hand, 
twirling it round my head, and sometimes throwing 
it amongst them ; and, at the approach of daylight, they, 
without taking their leave, like unmannerly guests left me, 
though I must confess I was much better pleased with 


their absence than with their company. I then began to 
set forward on my journey; and though I was very hungry, 
and had most of my cake still remaining, yet would not I 
venture to break my fast till I was got clear out of this 
mountain. And well was it for me, in all likelihood, that I 
did not, for in a very short time, as I, instead of eating, 
was with a watchful eye looking sharp round me, I saw a 
large tiger lying on his belly, with his legs under him in a 
proper posture for leaping, within twenty feet of the little 
path I was walking in ; when I, instantly taking my eyes 
off him, passed nimbly by, so that I received from him no 
further hurt than the fright ; and in less than half an 
hour after, I got up within thirty yards of the largest lion 
I had ever seen before, sitting on his breech just in my 
road — though this did not, I declare, in comparison with 
the tiger, at all terrify me, walking up towards him with 
a fierce look, hollowing at him, and threatening him all I 
could ; at which he got him upon his legs, severely lashing 
his loins with his tail, and roaring after a most terrible 
manner, went out of my sight in a very little time, though 
I again met him a second and a third time, and then he, 
after like usage, left me entirely. And in an hour after I 
got to the foot of the mountain on the other side, where 
lived Alcayde Woldlattabbee,* one of Muley Abdallah's 
old soldiers, and my very particular friend, whither I went, 
and was by him most kindly received ; and on his asking 
me what business had called me that way, I told him that 
I was in pursuit of our distressed master ; and which, as 
the Blacks had most severely used me on his account, I 
could do no sooner ; therefore I hoped that it was not then 
too late for me to be by him instructed how to proceed 
further. '* That," said he, " I cannot very well tell, yet 
did I very lately hear a rumour as if he should be gone to 
* Al Kaid Oold-et-Tabee. 


Santa Cruz." " That," said I, ** I heard, and thither was 
resolved to follow, but first to call on you in my way, in 
order to its further confirmation." "Well, my old friend," 
said he, " but what need have you to be in so much hurry? 
Stay with me first three or four days to refresh yourself, 
during which we may chance to hear further of him." 
And this offer, indeed, I was very glad of, as well as that 
my story was so well taken. And on his asking me by 
what way I got thither, I told him, together with all the 
difficulties, hardships, and transactions I had gone through, 
as how I was plundered and stripped, how I was obliged to 
practice by way of doctor, how I had met with a sick, or 
rather indeed a dead man, for that all the doctors in the 
world could not cure him ; however, with what I did for 
him he was so well pleased, that he ordered his wife to 
give me six blankeels, my bellyful of cuscassoe, and a 
cake of white bread to carry with me ; how I had been all 
that night surrounded by wild beasts, and how I had met 
with in the morning a tiger and a lion, and what means I 
had made use of to escape them. 

Then I consented to stay with him for two or 
three days. And the third day, a little before my 
departure, who should, to my very great surprise, hap- 
pen to come there to tell the Alcayde that his father 
was dead, but one of my old lethargic patient's sons ? 
" Dead ! " said the Alcayde. " Pray of what distemper ? " 
" That, sir," said he, "I cannot tell, though one of the 
straggling doctors told him when I was from home that 
it was a letchery; and notwithstanding he had six 
blankeels, his bellyful of cuscassoe, and a huge great 
cake of white bread to carry with him for his pains, 
yet did he letcher him out of his life." " Poor man ! " 
said the Alcayde, " then our old friend is actually dead at 
last ! " " Yes, sir," said he, **he is, for my brothers and 


I threw him into his grave." " Well, my friend," said the 
Alcayde, " that was the last good office you could do him, 
and as he was so long languishing under such torments, it 
was by far the "best place for him." '* As to that," said 
the young man, " we cannot tell : not that I believe he 
could by course of nature have lived much longer, yet no 
doubt the doctor hastened his end, for he cut him and 
burnt him to that degree, that he never enjoyed one 
moment's ease after the operation ; and could I light on 
him, I would soon spoil his doctorship." 

All this did I with my ears hear, and with my eyes 
often saw the Alcayde tipping me the wink, insomuch 
that I could not be easy any longer there ; but soon 
after finding an opportunity to take my leave, I took 
my way thence for the river Tennet;* and as I travelled 
all night, I got the next morning to the foot of the 
mountain Dimminet,! a very plentiful part of the 
country, the mountains round being in the seasonable 
times of the year plentifully stored with many sorts of 
delicious fruits, and especially grapes in abundance, 
yielding great store of very excellent wine. It was, before 
I could get free of these parts, full sixteen days ; during 
which I sold a great many of my medicines, such as small 
papers of bitter apples powdered, of which were in these 
woods great plenty, and are a prodigious purgative ; white 
dog's date, ellebore, and red pepper mixed, by way of 
clearing the brain and eyes, and which made them to weep 
and sneeze gallantly ; and with my pretty little iron I 
burnt a good number, one of them in particular in the 
belly for a dropsy ; and, to the very great content of 
himself and wife, I took thereout a very large quantity of 
yellow water, and received for it a gold ducat. On which I, 
with a Spaniard I had there procured to go with me, hurried 

* WadTe99aout? f Demnat. 



thence twelve leagues to the river of Tessout, still further 
on towards Morocco ; and as we travelled all that night, 
we got the next evening to the riverside in good season, so 
as we had time enough before night to catch a dish of fish 
for oui' suj)pers. 

But alas ! how could we catch any without tackle ? 
We had neither hook nor line. However, we were through 
great chance and a good deal of trouble soon furnished 
with the latter through means of some hairs we got 
from a horse's taiL But now what must we do for a 
hook? When it came into my mind, if I could get a needle 
it might soon be turned into the like shape ; but as to my 
own part, I very well knew I had none. However, I asked 
my comrade, who, to my very great satisfaction, happened 
to have a great many ; and in turning the first of them, as 
not very well understanding the temper of the metal, I 
snapped it off in the middle, as indeed I did a second. 
But now, considering within myself, that as they had been 
hardened by throwing them red hot into a seasoning liquid, 
unless I should again reduce them by fire to their natural 
temper, I should soon break all the rest. Therefore, whilst 
I was making my line, my comrade having gathered some 
wood and kindled a fire (as fully intending to take up our 
quarters there for that night), I put two of them between 
two coals, made them red-hot, and after they were cold 
enough to put my fingers to, I turned them into what 
shape I pleased, so as I made two tolerable good hooks ; 
and then again laying them between the coals and making 
them red-hot, I threw them into water, and taking them 
out again, to work I went, and in a little time caught a 
tolerable dish of fish, broiled them on the coals, and with 
some green figs, of which there were abundance there, we 
made a very good supper. 

Now, perceiving the night to draw on apace, are we busy 


at work in laying on and getting more fuel, so as in a very 
short time we bad raised a huge fire, and fuel enough, by 
way of reserve, to continue it for the night ; when I told 
my comrade that I in a little time expected more company, 
but such I feared as he would not by any means like. 
However, I would not have him to be over afraid, for that 
as we had wood sufficient to continue our fire all night, 
they would not dare to approach so nigh as to do us any 
harm, I having very lately sufficiently tried the experiment. 
** Experiment ! " said he ; " of what ? " " Of what ? " 
said I; "of our fire preserving us from the wild beasts." 
" Lord ! " said he. What, are there any of them in 
these parts ? " " Yes, yes," said I ; " and that you will 
quickly both hear and see." And, indeed, in less than 
half an hour after, we plainly heard a great many of the 
forerunners coming yelping towards us. " Pray," said he, 
" what are they ? " " They," said I, ** are jackals, and 
the lions, tigers, &c., are not far ofif, and will no doubt be 
soon here ; " as indeed they were, roaring and growling 
after a terrible manner. 

Upon which I ordered my comrade to take a large 
firebrand in his hand, and to keep twirling it round his 
head, and now and then to throw it amongst them. 
This did he (being not a little terrified) continue to do 
all that night, our furious guests sometimes approach- 
ing so near us as we could plainly distinguish them as 
to their species, and many times see them engaged with 
one another ; insomuch that, had not an old stately lion, 
to whom all the rest seemed to be under subjection, 
decided their quarrels, there had no doubt been bloody 
work amongst them ; but wherever he interfered, they sub- 
mitted to him in seeming obedience, instantly giving him 
place, and, in short, all that quarter of the fire to himself. 
As to my comrade, notwithstanding his being seized with 


SO very great fear, yet did he seldom or never cease to 
twirl his firebrand, unless when he was disposed to throw 
it amongst them, and to take up a fresh one out of the 
fire ; insomuch that, after our unwelcome companions had 
at the approach of daylight left us, he all that day com- 
plained of a grievous pain in his shoulders; though which, 
he said, he was exceedingly well pleased to compound with, 
for rather than run the hazard of such another night he 
should be glad to endure the loss of a leg or an arm. And 
now are we, indeed, both better pleased ; for, to be plain, 
I did not care for their company no more than he did. 

Now, after recovering ourselves of our fright, we cheer- 
fully travelled on, though guilty, I think, of a very great 
omission, and to ourselves very much wanting, for 
though we were so very near the river and had nothing 
for our breakfast, yet we did not stay to catch any fish, 
which no doubt we might have done in a very little time ; 
but depending on our meeting with something better on 
the road, we, instead thereof, were for that day obliged to 
fast and to content ourselves without any the least re- 
freshment. However, we travelled on with courage, and, 
without anything else remarkable, we got that night, 
exceeding hungry, to Ceedeachall,* directing our course to 
some inhabited tent, where we at the least promised 
ourselves some small refreshment. But alas ! to our very 
great dissatisfaction, we could get none, unless than being 
admitted to lodge in one of them; and with which, not- 
withstanding my hunger, I thought myself by far better 
off than I did the night before, and though I saw the dogs 
eating cuscassoe before my face, yet could not I, notwith- 
standing I offered to pay for it, and my stomach was in 
an uproar, get one pellet of it, and which was quite the 
reverse of the Moorish manners of all I had ever seen 
* Sidi Ea'hal. 


before. Therefore we very early in the morning, being 
bravely refreshed by moderate sleep, set out towards 
Morocco to seek our breakfast, and which being but six 
leagues, and travelling at a good pace, we had by sun- 
rising got over three of them, when we met a very well- 
dressed genteel Moor, accoutered in martial order, having 
by his side a very fine scimitar, and in his belt a pair of 
pistols. He in a haughty manner demanded who we were, 
from whence we came, whither bound, our business, &c. 
I told him we came that morning from Ceedeachall, were 
going to Morocco, and that we were by profession Chy- 
rurgeons. " ChjTurgeons ! " said he, " what do you mean 
by that ? " " That, sir," said I, "is as much as to say 
surgeons, or, if you please, doctors." "Very well," said 
he, " and do you think you can cure my eyes ? " Which 
indeed seemed to be very much inflamed. " Cure them," 
said I, " yes to be sure, though I really think them to be 
very far gone, and therefore I hope you won't take it ill 
if we ask your honour how much you are willing to give 
us •? " "Give 3'ou ?" said he ; "a very handsome fee if you 
cure me : if not, nothing, unless it be to cut your throats." 
" So then," said I, " I find you are for no purchase no pay, 
or rather, indeed, what is a great deal worse ; however, I 
dare venture it." 

To be plain, I knew if I could but once get a little of 
mv powders into his eyes, it would be suflficiently arming 
me against him and his weapons, had they been never 
so many ; but to be too eager upon him for the opera- 
tion I thought might not be so proper, therefore I 
left him alone to make the first advance. " Well, well, 
then," said he, " since I must be doctored by you, I 
desire to see first if you have any money about you," 
feeling and peering into our tattered garments, and 
rummaging a little knapsack the Spaniards had to carry 


a few medicines in ; and though I had therein, at the 
bottom of one of my pots of famous ointment, a gold 
ducat and several blankeels, yet had he only his labour for 
bis pains, telling us " that he thought our doctorship had 
been to us, so far as he could see, of but very little 
advantage hitherto ; but if it had been otherwise, and 
which for our sakes he should have been glad of, not- 
w'ithstanding what he had done to satisfy his curiosity, 
he had no design of taking anything from us." " Alas ! 
sir," said I, " you cannot, I hope, suppose we could be 
under any such apprehensions. What ! to be under any 
apprehension of that nature from a gentleman of your 
presence ! " ** No, no," said he, " I hope not." 

Now am I to contrive how to be up with him. However, 
it soon came into my noddle, telling my comrade in 
Spanish (and which I knew the Moor, as having before 
tried him, did not understand) that he should be sure to 
be very observant of all I told him ; and then I told this 
knight of the road (as being, no doubt, one of those who 
make their fortunes on the ruin of others) Anglice, a 
highwayman, that we were sent for in all haste to visit 
some patients at Morocco, and thither we were obliged to 
hasten, and therefore I wished him well, and his ejea a 
better doctor. " A better doctor ! " said he in a very great 
passion ; " a better doctor ! Pray what do you mean by 
that ? Did not you say you would cure me ? and I expect 
you do, or I will soon spoil your doctorship." ** Cure you, 
sir," said I ; ** how can that be, when you will not give me 
leave to apply my medicines ? " " You dog," said he, " I 
never told you so," laying his hand upon one of his 
pistols. "Good sir," said I, "be not offended, for I am 
ready, when you please, to perform the operation and to 
use the best of my skill." "But do you think my eyes 
are not past cure?" "Why, sir," said I, "as to that, 


I will engage to make on you a most sudden alteration, or 
I will give you leave to shoot me with one of your pistols 
through the head." "Then," said he, "you dog, why 
don't you do it, or hy God, if you will not, you shall have 
both." " Sir," said I, " with all my heart." 

Then I opened the knapsack, and after I had taken out 
of it a paper of the powder of elebore and cod -pepper 
mixed, and therewith filled two quills, giving one of them to 
the Spaniard, I ordered my gentleman to sit down on the 
ground ; when I told the Spaniard, that when I had got 
fast hold on one of his eyelids, he should be sure to take 
fast hold of the other and hold it open, blow in his quill 
of powder with all his might. And when we were both 
ready I gave the word " Blow," which he readily observing, 
and I blowing also at the very instant, we to that degree 
filled both his eyes as had our knapsack been full of gold 
ducats we might have given him leave to peer therein. 
The powders performed to admu-ation, he rubbing with 
both his hands, twisting and turning, and from his eyes 
flowed a little fountain of water. When I asked him how 
he did, "Do," said he, "you dogs, you've blown out my 
eyes ! " " See now," said I, " how men be abused for 
their good will." "Oh, bum your good will!" said he. 
"Very well, sir," said I, "be that as it will, I am 
thoroughly resolved to extend it a little further." Then 
laying hold on his sword and pistols, after giving him two 
or three very hearty cuts by way of bleeding, I left him, 
and with my comrade in all possible haste travelled on, 
and about noon got to Morocco, where, would his present 
circumstance have permitted him, I thought he dared not 
to come after us. 

Now am I, after two months' very hazardous and painful 
travel from Mequinez, safely arrived at Morocco, where, 
though I had a great many acquaintances, yet would I not 


venture to trust more than one of them ; and finding my 
comrade did not care to encounter with any more suchlike 
adventures, and he had also there many friends, we, after 
his giving me the knapsack and medicines, and after most 
courteously bidding each other farewell, and having on 
both sides agreed with ourselves what friends to call upon, 
separated. And then I directly went to my friend's house, 
and very luckily found him at home, and I met with a 
kind reception; and he asking me what business I was come 
upon, and if I thought it to be in his power to do me any 
service, desiring I would not be upon the reserve, for that 
I was to him very heartily welcome, and that he would 
serve me even to the hazard of his life, I with a small 
alteration told him the old story, as how that since Muley 
Abdallah's second driving out (who, said I, you know was 
very cruel, yet, between you and I, I think there is 
altogether as bad come in his room, the Blacks being 
become so insolent that they persuade him even to what 
they please) I was between them both really in a very 
great strait, and therefore I was come thither to consult 
him how to act. " Indeed, my friend," said he, " I am as 
well as you in this affair at a very great loss ; however, 
between friends, I know not which barrel of the two is the 
better herring, and therefore, as you are now got so far 
out of the power of them both, was your case mine, I 
would depend on neither of them no longer, but take care 
of myself so well as I could." " Indeed," said I, " that is 
a very natural case, and so would I also do, could I tell 
how ; for, to be more plain, I as little esteem them as you 
do, yet I cannot deny but it has been in my mind to follow 
Muley Abdallah, and so I told my old friend, Alcayde 
Woldlattabbee, in my way hither, with whom I stayed three 
days." "As to that," said he, "you did not amiss; but 
what said the Alcayde to it ? " " Why," said I, " when I 


had told him my inclination, and asked him which way he 
would advise me to proceed, he told me that a rumour very 
lately ran thereabout that the tyrant was actually gone to 
Santa Cruz." 

To which I answered him, that I had heard the same, 

and that I was thither resolved to follow him. *' Very 

well," said he, ** and let your intentions be what they 

would, I think you answered him very well ; and once 

more, my old friend, I cannot help telling 3-0U, that was 

it my own case, and you were therein sincere, I would 

not follow him one step further." " Indeed," said I, 

" the Alcayde did not so plainly tell me to do it, neither 

did he, my friend, give me any great encouragement, 

though he in a friendly manner told me that I need not be 

in so great a hurry, for that I should first stay with him 

three or four days to refresh myself; and which, indeed, I 

did, and found myself thereby, after the many misfortunes 

I met with in my journey thither, very much refreshed." 

** Well, my friend," said he, *' I am very glad the Alcayde 

was so very kind to you, and that you so prudently 

behaved with him ; for give me leave to tell you, the times 

are now so ticklish that a man cannot tell who to trust, 

and in some cases it is altogether unsafe for a man to lay 

himself open even to his own brother ; therefore I shall be 

no further inquisitive with you, and be your intentions 

what they will, you are to me very sincerely welcome. 

And now," said he, ** I think it is -high time to ask you 

how your stomach may agree with a dinner." I told him 

as to that he need not fear our falling out, for that as I 

had not ate anything all that day, nor the day before, it 

would be to me, next himself, the best friend I could meet 

with, and therefore I did not care how soon I was at it ; 

when he called to his wives (as ha^'ing, though a Spaniard, 

no less than three) to order up the cuscassoe, and come 


and take part with us: "for," said he, "though it is not 
the country custom, yet, as this is my brother, I hope you 
will so far oblige me ; " which, I assure you, was a very 
extraordinary favour. 

Then our dinner was by the three good wives directly 
ushered in and set in the middle of the floor, which we 
soon surrounded and fell to it; and, as to my own part, 
I in a very short time made good my leeward way, and 
made an excellent dinner indeed. And after the women 
were gone off, my friend brought in a bottle of excellent 
good wine to wash it down, desiring me not to spare it, 
for that that bottle had a great many fellows, and there- 
fore he hoped I would be as merry as he wished me. 
"Alas! my friend," said I, "how can a man be merry 
under my unhappy circumstances ? However, I will force 
my inclinations to be as merry as I can." And indeed 
we passed the evening in taking our glass and talking 
over old stories, without on either side mentioning any- 
thing touching my future intentions; and as I was with my 
journey somewhat weary, we, at my request, separated for 
the night to our rest. 

Very early in. the morning he came into my apart- 
ment, asking me how I had taken my rest, and telling 
me that I had forgot the last night to go to supper. 
" That," said I, " as you were so often pleased to ask me, 
was not yours, but my own fault." " Well," said he, 
"but can you, do you think, eat a piece of a sheep for 
your breakfast ? " " Yes," said I, " with all my heart; " 
on which he brought me in a very little time a good piece 
of a leg broiled on the coals, and after we had finished he 
desired I would give him an account of my journey, and 
how long I had been on it. " Do you mean," said I, 
"after a methodical manner?" "Yes," said he, "if you 
don't think it too tedious for you." "Alas! my friend," 


said I, " I hope you do not think there can be anything in 
my power too tedious for me to oblige you in." Then I, 
from Mequinez to my burnt and scarified patient, gave him 
a very particular account, and when I came to him I 
seemed a little to mince the matter ; however, as I had 
promised him to tell him the truth, so I did, and when 
I came to the torturing part he asked me how I could be so 
cruel. "Cruel," said I, "just so (were it in my power) 
I would use most of the Moors in Barbary." ** Ha, ha," 
said he, " now do I, without your telling me plainly, see 
through your intentions ; but go on." 

Then I told him what a terrible fright I was in on one of 
his sons coming to the Alcayde's house, whilst I was there, 
to tell him his father was dead, that the doctor had killed 
him, and that could he catch him he would soon spoil his 
doctorship ; which made him laugh very heartily. And 
when I was come to my taking up my quarters amongst 
the wild beasts, he altogether as heartily mourned my con- 
dition ; however, I soon put him again in good humour by 
my telling him the dialogue between me and my scour-road 
sore-eyed patient, and which really pleased him very much, 
laughing as though he had been tickled (though I told him 
then never a word of my bringing off his sword and pistols), 
telling me that by the description I gave of him he must 
be actually the same who had infested the roads for a long 
time back, insomuch as very few travellers escaped him. 
" But," said he, " did not the villain cry out ? " " Yes, 
yes," said I, " so well as he could ; and now, sir, give me 
leave to ask you what you, through your very gi-eat 
clemency, would have done by him had it been your own 
case." " Done by him ? " said he ; " with his own sword 
cut his throat." " Indeed, sir," said I, " that is what you 
might soon have done, it being actually a very good one, 
and the pistols not at all inferior to it ; and which, if you 


will not believe me, be your own eyes the judge," taking 
them from underneath my old blanket. 

At which he said he was very much surprised, for that he 
had not, to his mind, of a long time seen finer, and that he 
thought them to be of considerable value. I told him that 
I was very glad he liked them so well, and that if he was 
pleased to accept of anything which formerly belonged to a 
highwayman, they were very heartily at his service ; and 
as to their late masters finding them upon him, he needed, 
not to be under the least apprehension. With much ado he 
took them as his own, though first indeed he, by way of old 
friendship, compelled me to accept of three gold ducats, 
and which, he said, he was determined to give me had he 
not seen the sword and pistols at all. And after dinner, 
and drinking a hearty bottle, I told him, just as I was 
going to lie down, that I would not by any means have him 
to take it ill, for that I was fully determined with myself to 
pursue my journey early in the morning ; and getting up 
accordingly I (after a good breakfast, and receiving from 
him three cakes of bread, some snuff, and very friendly 
advice, telling me he was fully apprised of my intentions, 
that he sincerely wished me well to my own country, and 
that God would be to me therein aiding and assisting, 
taking me in his arms, and giving me a very hearty and 
I dare say sincere kiss, which I without any further answer 
as sincerely returning) departed ; and as I travelled at a 
pretty smart rate I got that forenoon about ten of the 
clock to Tamslaught,* where I rested me so long as to eat 
a few grapes with some of my bread for my dinner, and, 
travelling on, I got about one that afternoon to a part of 
the river Waddenfeeze, where I sat me down again, and 
began to consult myself if I should go directly on or stay 
there so long as to catch a few fishes ; for notwithstanding 
* Tamsaloaht, a -village about 10^ miles S.S.W. of the city. 


I had SO lately dined, yet methought I could (as the grapes 
had but whetted my stomach) find in my heart to make 
another dinner. Therefore I went to work, and caught a 
brace of tolerable size in a very short time, and on my 
seeing some Moors coming to the riverside I hailed one of 
them (as being loath to be too profuse of my tinder), and 
asked him if he could help me to a coal of fire; and which, 
whilst he was fetching from one of their tents, I had 
gathered a few dry sticks and laid them in order, and 
whilst I was cleaning my fish he came with the fire and 
kindled the wood, and then I laid my fish thereon and 
made a very hearty meal, and some to spare to my 

And I being surrounded by this time with several other 
Moors, they were soon very inquisitive with me to know 
the guts of my knapsack. Alas ! thinks I, these are 
not, I hope, some of the under-strappers of my late sore- 
eyed patient ; but indeed I was soon given to understand 
the contrary, for on my being asked a second time I told 
them medicines for curing the sick ; when I was asked by 
one of them if I could cure sore eyes. " Sore eyes ? " said 
I ; " yes, I think I have hitherto cured a great many, and a 
gentleman in particular, about three days ago, of a very 
great inflammation therein," ** An inflammation," said 
be ; " pray what do you mean by that ? " " Why," said I, 
" that is when the eyes are attended with a hot scalding 
pain, and look of a very red colour." " Then as sure as 
daylight," said he, " my brother's are just so." " And so 
are my sister's," said another. "And my wife's," said 
another. " But," said they, *' do you really think you can 
cure them ? " " That," said I, " I cannot say ; first let me 
see them, and then I will tell you more of my mind, for the 
gentleman the other day was also very inquisitive, and 
asked me much the same questions, and notwithstanding 


his eyes were really very much inflamed, yet did I make on 
him so great an alteration as to leave him quite another 
man in a very little time." " Will you then, doctor, he 
pleased to go with us to yonder tents ? " said they. ** Yes," 
said I, "if you please, with all my heart ; " and at our 
coming up were brought out of two of them a man and two 
women, having in their eyes what I had often heard in my 
childhood called amongst the old women in England a 
" blast." 

" Alas ! " said I, " how came you to suffer this in- 
veterate disease to reign on you so long ? " " Indeed, 
doctor," said they, " to tell you the truth, we thought (as 
well as a great many of our neighbours who had the same 
distemper) to be well again in a very little time, as indeed 
they were in less than a fortnight." " Why," said I, 
"yours, or I am very much mistaken, has been coming on 
you more than a month." "Yes, doctor," said the man, 
"more than six weeks." "Very well," said I, "and are 
you resolved to make trial of my medicines, or suffer it to 
run on longer ? If you are resolved to put yourselves 
under my care, tell me directly, for I am obliged to go this 
evening, or to-morrow early, to a patient about two leagues 
off, and, as far as I can tell, when I come back it may be 
too late. However, as to that, as your eyes are your own, 
you may do as you please by them." "Good doctor," 
said they, "don't be uneasy, for you shall try your skill on 
us before you go." "Very well," said I, "but before I 
meddle with your eyes I design to give you a small matter 
of my purging powders, the better to prepare you for the 
operations ; and as the eyes are at this time of day very 
dangerous to meddle with, I will give you the physic 
directly, and take in hand your eyes in the morning, for, 
to be plain with you, in many cases of the eyes the light 
cannot, no more than our tempers, be too calm and 


serene." ** That," said they, " doctor, you kuow better 
than we do, and therefore we are very willing to conform 
ourselves to your rules." " Very well," said I (as having 
a very great mind to a good supper), " and have you then 
in either of your tents any fresh mutton ? In short, if you 
have not, you must look out for some ; " when a messenger 
was sent to a neighbouring tent, and soon returned with a 
fore-quarter, asking me how I would have it dressed. 
*' Dressed," said I ; "I suppose now you think I ordered 
this only for myself; be that as it will, I heartily thank 
you, and set the pot over directly, for I shall want the 
broth for working the physic ; but," said I, " be sure you 
put in all the meat, for the stronger it is I think it will be 
far the better." 

So when I saw the mutton under sail I gave to each 
of them a small dose of my bitter apples in some honey, 
which I knew to be sufficient, and that it could in no 
wise hurt them, charging them to keep continually walk- 
ing and stirring their bodies ; and whilst the physic was 
performing its several parts came in a woman, to whom 
the people of the family spoke very courteously, asking 
her how she did. "Do," said she, "neighbours, very 
bad, and really I think very bad indeed." "Alas! poor 
woman," said they, "pray how long have you been so, 
and what may your distemper be, for we have observed 
you ailing for a long time ? " " That," said she, " is what 
I cannot very well tell, though I am almost persuaded by 
some people that it is what the doctors call a dropsy. It 
has been coming on me now almost twelve months, and is, 
instead of the least appearance of amendment , I think still 
growing worse and worse, insomuch that I am to that 
degree swelled that my skin is ready to burst ; but neigh- 
bours, I am told you have a doctor in the house, and to 
whom I am come to ask him if he can do me any good." 


Then one of the family told her there was the doctor, 
pointing at me — of which I seemed to take no notice, 
though you may suppose I heard every word they said ; 
neither did I till she came to me so well as she could, and 
asked me if I thought I could do her any good. " Any 
good," said I, looking her full in the face, " pray what ails 
you? " " Ail me," said she, " enough I think." " Pray," 
said I, ** give me your hand," and after I had felt her 
pulse, and looked at her legs, felt her chest, &c., I told her 
that I thought it a most unaccountable thing that people 
should be so very careless of their health, and only for the 
sake of saving a little money to suffer such inveterate dis- 
tempers to reign so long upon them ; which, said I, is just 
the same with breaking your necks only for the humour of 
trying the skill of the doctor to set it. " However," said I, 
" I will do for you all in my power." ** All in your power," 
said she. "Yes," said I, "all in my power. You would 
not have me to promise you further than I think may be 
performed by second means ; and that, I say, I am ready, 
if you please, to put in practice." " Pray," said she, 
"what do you think my distemper to be ? " "To be?" 
said I ; "a dropsy, an old, confirmed, inveterate dropsy." 
" Indeed ! " said she, " and so I did suppose it." " Why," 
said I, " I warrant it has been coming on you now more 
than twelve months." "Why really, doctor," said she, 
" you are very much in the right of it ; and was I as sure 
of a cure as that you have hit my distemper, I would with 
all my heart give you twenty gold ducats." "Well," said 
I, " have a good heart, take this evening, by way of pre- 
paring the body, a small paper of my purging powder, and 
to-morrow morning early I will take from you some water, 
of which, let me tell you, you have in your body not a 
little." So I gave her a paper of my powders, ordered her 
to go home and take it in a little honey, and to work it 


with water gruel, for that broth was by no means fit for 

And then indeed my stomach put me in mind of my 
own supper, and after my patients had pretty well thrown 
off their physic, and the mutton was fully boiled, I ordered 
each of them a large dish of the broth, when I also fell at 
it myself, and between the broth and the meat I soon made 
a very hearty supper ; and then I told my patients they 
might also eat a little of the meat if they would, and that 
they should immediately after it go to their rest, for that I 
intended to rouse them very early in the morning, and that 
in order thereto I would, if they pleased, also lay me down 
and take a nap. And at daybreak I got up and went to my 
dropsy patient, asking her how she did, and if she found 
herself, after her physic, for the better or the worse. ** As 
to that," said she, " it has made on me no great matter of 
alteration ; however, I am fully satisfied it has done me no 
harm." " Very well," said I, " and as I am just now 
obliged to be going away, I desire you will tell me if you 
are willing I should touch you first in two or three places 
in the stomach with a hot iron." "Good doctor," said 
she, ** cannot you cure me by any other means ? " " No," 
said I, "there is no other means that I know of, unless you 
will give me leave to make a large hole in your stomach 
and put in a tap." " Well," said she, " burning will no 
doubt be very painful to me ; however, I had rather suffer 
that than the boring a hole through my belly." ** Very 
well," said I, " and I think you are very much in the right 
of it, for I would have you to consider if it is not better for 
you to smart once than always to ache ; besides, you know 
very well that a desperate disease must have a desperate 
cure." "Indeed, doctor," said she, "all you say is very 
true, therefore do by me just as you please." 

Then I put my iron into the fire, made it hot, and burnt 



her in the stomach in three several places, and there actually 
came out a great deal of yellow water, and after I had given 
her a piece of my plaster, and directed her how to use it, I 
told her I must be going, and that if she wou]d spare me a 
small matter of money to defray my expenses till I came 
back I shouM think myself very much obliged to her. 
"Pray," said she, "how long do you think you maybe 
wanting ? " " Eeally," said I, " that I cannot very well 
tell ; it may be one, two, or three days, according to the 
condition I find my patients in." " Alas ! " said she, " and 
what shall I do in your absence ? " " Do ! " said I, " was 
I here I could do no more for you for three or four days 
than keep drawing plasters to the burnt part, and that you 
may do, or anybody else for you, as you may see occasion 
to change them, and by the time I come back I do not 
doubt but there will be on you a very great alteration." 
Then she gave me a gold ducat, with which, after bidding 
her for the time farewell, I went directly to my sore-eyed 
gentry, who were all waiting my coming, and ready to 
undergo the operations ; however, before I took them in 
hand, as not thinking it convenient for me to stay there 
any longer after I had doctored them, and having, before I 
left them, a very great mind to a good breakfast, I asked 
them if they had ate anything for the morning. They told 
me no, for that notwithstanding they were after their 
physic extremely hungry, yet would they not venture to eat 
anything till I came. *' Very well," said I, " as to that I 
cannot blame you ; however, if you have any cold meat 
left, I would by all means have you to eat a little before I 
take you in hand, for, to be plain with you, you will not 
for some time after the operation be able to see so well how 
to go about it." ^ 

Then the remains of our last night's supper was directly 
brought forth, and when I had filled my belly I told them 


I was ready as soon as they pleased. They directly left 

eating, and according to order sat themselves all down 

on the floor, and then I, in a little time (it being my 

masterpiece, and I having several quills of my powders 

ready at my hands), filled all their eyes to that degree 

as to set them a wallowing and getting upon their legs, 

capering and dancing like so many fairies ; when I told 

them that they must have patience, for that the violent 

smarting would soon pass off, and that as I was obliged, 

as I told them the last night, to go to a patient about 

two leagues off, I could then tarry with them no longer; 

therefore, said I, if you will be pleased to help me to a 

little money to bear out my expenses till I return you 

will very much oblige me ; and if I did not at my return 

make on them a perfect cure, I would on my honour give it 

them back again. Then they ordered one of the women to 

give me a gold ducat ; and which, indeed, they could not 

do themselves, they being by that time on the rubbing and 

twisting order, and such abundance of tears falling from 

their eyes, that had it been by way of a natural cause, and 

in contrition for their past sins, it must, no doubt, have 

been accounted a very happy introduction to their future 


'■ Note 80. 


On the road to liberty — Another old friend — An awkward meeting, but 
a former enemy is luckily not recognized — Bobbed of everything, 
Mr. PeUow reaches Tarudant in a woeful pUght — Re-equipped, he 
arrives at Santa Cruz, and as a measure of precaution takes up 
his quarters in a cave, where he meets with strange company — 
Dreams, and their interpretation — Enters into a new partnership — 
Takes to duck kilUng for a livelihood — A new partner of the 
faint-hearted order— Being again stripped, he " borrows a point 
of the law " in order to exist — He takes refuge in the Kasbah of 
Ali ben-Hamedush at the Tensift River — At WiUadia he falls in 
with an old schoolfellow, and, worse luck, meets the mother of 
Muley Abdallah — Plays the courier, escapes from robbers, and 
passes the night in a tree, surrounded by wild beasts. 

NOW I am again on the tramp, and in pocket (or at 
least tied up in one corner of my blanket, at the 
bottom of one of my pots of ointment) six gold ducats, and 
in blankeels to the value of two more. So travelling merrily 
on at a good rate, I got that evening to the foot of the 
mountain Mosmeeth* where on a former expedition we left 
our horses, whilst we travelled on foot up the mountain, 
and returned there from subduing the castle of Ehiah 
Embelide, t and the four little towns on the top of the 
mountain, as is before mentioned ; and where I called now 
on Tolbhammet Mesmeesey,! who very courteously received 
me, and asked me after a very friendly manner what wind 

* Amsmiz ? f Note 31. 

I Taleb (Interpreter of the Law) Hamid Ams-mizi. 


had blown me thither ; when I answered him with the old 
story. In answer to which he told me that, so far as he 
could learn thitherto, Muley Abdallah was at Taffilet. 
" Sir," said I, ** you are certainly therein very much im- 
posed on, for I am credibly informed he is at Terrident, and 
I am thither fully determined with myself to follow him, 
for I shall not be at peace with myself till I have found 
him, or at least heard a further certainty where he is." 
" Very well," said he, "but I would have you to tarry here 
first some time with me, to refresh youi-self, during which 
we may chance to hear of him further." I told him that I 
was very much obliged to him for his civility, and that as 
he was pleased to be so very kind as to offer me so great a 
favour in my distress, I was ready with all my heart (as I 
was through my great travel very much harassed) to accept 
of it ; and, in short, I stayed with him three days, during 
which (he being very inquisitive after my journey) I gave 
him an account of it, so far as I thought proper to let him 
know, and practised on several patients by his permission, 
and amongst them all rose to the value of twenty shillings 

The third following morning very early (I having over- 
night acquainted him with my intentions, and received 
from him a gold ducat to help me forward, and his most 
hearty, and, as he said, sincere obedience and good wishes 
for Muley Abdallah, all which he desired me to make ac- 
ceptable to him, so far as it might be in my power) I took 
my departure thence, and travelled up the mountain as fast 
as I could, though seriously considering with myself if it 
might be proper or not for me to rest myself at the castle 
of Ehiah Embelide, where I had been before to the then 
inhabitants a very bitter enemy. Therefore I had with 
myself a very great debate for some time concerning it ; as 
how (many years having since passed) they might be all 


then dead, thence removed, or their remembrance of me 
■quite worn out ; to which I was by myself answered, what 
occasion had I to run any such hazard ? For that I was 
then fresh, and very well able to perform without it ; and 
therefore I agreed to give the castle the go by, and to travel 
on till I had gained the height ; and I climbed up as fast as 
I could, till I had got within sight of the four little towns 
we had formerly destroyed, together with all the men in- 
habitants ; when I had again with myself for some short 
time another debate, if it might not be hazardous for me to 
pass through them. 

However (on considering the men then there to be 
all strangers, or at least to be grown up during my 
absence, those formerly there being all to my knowledge 
dead, that the children then spared there did not exceed 
ten years of age, and that the women who were then 
also spared must no doubt be then under so grievous 
and terrifying a consternation as not to be capable of 
taking any notice of faces, by way of their making future 
reprisals, or of my sweet phiz in particular), I passed 
through without saluting any of the inhabitants, no further 
than my asking a lad whom I saw there with some almonds 
and raisins in a basket, how he sold them, and buying a 
halfpennyworth of them, I travelled on down the mountain 
on the other side, and about sunset got clear of it, getting 
to another part of the river Waddonfeese, where I was for 
the night tolerably well entertained in a Moor's tent, though 
I had from him a very deplorable account concerning the 
very late state of that neighbourhood, as how the country 
was to that degree destroyed, and in such confusion, that 
they and they only who happened to be of the strongest 
party were accounted the happy people, and of whom I 
soon found he had been so happy to be one. " Then," said 
I, "it is no doubt very dangerous for a stranger to be 


amongst you." " That indeed," said he, **is according to 
his behaviour, and the nature of his business which calleth 
him thither, or which party he sides with." " Why^ sir," 
said I, " as to my part I have no further business here 
than to sell a few medicines amongst you, if I can, for the 
benefit of you all, without meddling with your quarrels on 
either side." ** Why really," said .he, " you say very well, 
and I wish you success with all my heart ; but, to be plain 
with you, we have been of late so far involved in a civil 
war, that one parish was up against another in arms, 
destroying the fruit of each other's labour, and cutting one 
another's throats so fast as they could." " Alas ! " said I, 
" a very unhappy case indeed ! " To which he answered 
me, that I should not be under any uneasiness at it, but 
endeavour to compose myself, for that he would in the 
morning put me into the best method he could. 

However, I could not (notwithstanding his fair promises, 
and though I was prodigious weary) take any rest for the 
first part of the night, still wishing myself further off; when 
I told myself, that as it was my chance to come there, it 
would be in vain for me to vex myself, but endeavour to get 
thence again as well as I could. So I fell into a sound sleep, 
and slept till sunrising ; then I got up, and saluting my host 
with a good-morrow, and telling him that I thought myself 
very much obliged to him for my kind welcome, and if he 
was pleased to accept of any of my medicines, they were 
very heartily at his service. " No, no," said he, ** you are 
very welcome to what you have had here ; and as to physic, 
I never took any in my life, and unless I may happen to 
have more occasion for it than I have had hitherto, I never 
will take any. But what makes you in so much hurry ? If 
I want none, there are those amongst us to my knowledge 
that do, and who, no doubt, when they hear you are come, 
will be very glad of it ; and as to your safety amongst us 


(as our civil dissensions are now at an end) here is my 
band," giving it in a very friendly manner into mine, and 
asking me where I intended to go. 

*' As to that, sir," said I, " I am not very well deter- 
mined whether to Terrident or Taffilet." ** Then," said 
he, "I tell you on my honour that both those roads are 
very unsafe, and dangerous to travel in at present, for 
after our several conflicts in these parts, they are now, 
by our example, acting the same in them : therefore stay 
with me till those bickerings are over, till which you 
shall be very welcome in my house to such as I have." 
"Sir," said I, "I most humbly thank you," and which, 
indeed, I was obliged to accept of ; for that very day came 
thither repeated advices that there was in and throughout 
both those provinces (which are much the same with 
our counties) very grievous doings, insomuch that they 
were killing and plundering all they could lay their hands 
on. So that I was obliged to take up my quarters with this 
hospitable infidel during the space of twenty-four days ; 
during which I had several patients, and amongst them all 
got about forty shillings sterling, acting after a most 
cautious manner, in giving such small doses of my purging 
powder as I knew could do them no harm ; and as I was so 
lucky to perform nothing by way of curing the eyes, I gave 
general satisfaction. In short, got amongst them so famous 
a name, as I presume none of the quack fraternity had 
ever done before me. They really had so good an opinion 
of me, that on another of the fraternity's coming one day 
there, and though he might, for anything as I knew to the 
contrary, have been a very able man, yet did they (on my 
seeming indifference of him) directly drive him thence, 
threatening him, that in case they ever caught him there 
again, they would cut off his ears. 

Now am I, by the general approbation and consent, on 


promise of my being back again in three weeks, and on 
their hearing the roads were again passable, permitted to 
depart, taking my way for Arhallah, in the plain of Souz ; 
and without anything remarkable, I arrived the second 
following evening at a place called in their language Ros- 
selelwad, or the head of the old river, thoroughly resolving 
to get that night, if I could, to Terrident. And which, 
indeed, had not that part of the journey proved most un- 
fortunate to me, I should have reached before the gates 
were shut, I being about ten o'clock at night within half a 
mile of it ; when I was surprised by three ruffian Moors, 
knocked down, plundered, and, in short, deprived of every- 
thing I had in the world, stripping me quite naked ; and 
rummaging into my blanket, they soon found my blankeels, 
which, as the moon was then at the full, and the horizon 
very clear, I saw to my very great dissatisfaction. 

When I saw them ransacking my knapsack, I was really 
terrified a great deal more, I having hid all my gold at the 
bottom of one of my pots of ointment, in all to the value of 
six pounds sterling. But I had so far the presence of 
mind as to tell them that they could not be anything the 
better for the few medicines I had in it, but (as they did 
not know how to use them) rather the worse, though they 
would be to me, by way of my getting a small matter for 
my subsistence, of very great service. And as my life de- 
pended thereon, I hoped they would be pleased to give me 
my blanket, knapsack, and few medicines back again, 
which, as they had taken from me all my money, would in 
all likelihood keep me from starving. " No, no," said 
they, " you have got your life, and go therewith about 
your business." Then I very much complained of the cold, 
and of the many wounds I had about me, desiring them 
that if they would not give me back my medicines, they 
would at least give me a pot of my ointment. " No, no," 


said they, " for if your ointment is so very excellent for 
your wounds, pray why is it not for ours ? " *' However," 
said one of them, " here take your blanket, and be packing 
about your business, or you will oblige us to be very angry 
with you." To which another of them added, that I was 
an unconscionable dog, and if I said another word, he 
would take my blanket from me again. " Then pray, gen- 
tlemen," said I, "if you will not give me a whole pot, give 
me a small matter of the ointment at the bottom of one of 
them." "You dog," said they, "you shall have none ; and 
if you dare speak another word, we will cut off your ears." 
At which they went directly from me, and without speaking 
another word on either side, left me to consider the folly of 
heaping up riches, as not knowing who shall gather them. 
And now am I obliged to travel empty away for 
Terrident, as you may suppose, iu a very disconsolate 
manner; and in walking but a slow pace, I got in half an 
hour's time to the gates of the city, which I found to be 
shut, and all within very silent, therefore I found myself 
obliged to lay me down in one of their burying-places, 
amongst the graves, where I continued till daylight, re- 
flecting on my so late misfortune. Then I got me up, and 
kept walking till the sun was up, and the gates were opened, 
when I marched in, and went directly to a friend's house, a 
Frenchman, we being formerly fellow-soldiers, and always 
very intimate with one another. I was directly admitted 
entrance, and very courteously received by him, telling me 
that he was very glad to see me, but to see me there at 
that time very sorry. "Why," said I, "what is the 
matter? I hope there are not more evils soon about to 
befall me ; if so, I think it will be a very unhappy time 
indeed," telling him of my so late misfortunes. "Alas ! 
my friend," said he, " that is what I did not dream of, and 
I am sincerely sorry for you ; but what I meant by saying 


80, was tending to matters of another nature, and which is 
indeed quite different." " Pray," said I, " what may it 
be ? " ** Be ? " said he ; " you must know that here is now 
in the town Abdallah Mahomet, one of old Muley Smine's 
natural sons, who hath lately gained to his interest at least 
one hundred thousand of the mountaineers, and was with 
them about two months ago at Santa Cruz, took it, and, 
with a good part of the country round, brought it under his 
subjection, and is now forcing all able-bodied men, who will 
not voluntarily come into his service. Therefore I think 
it (till he is departed hence) highly necessary for you to 
remain secretly in my house ; for should he or any of his 
people happen to see you, you would no doubt be obliged 
to follow him." " And whither," said I, " does he design 
to go, or what may be his intentions ? " " That indeed," 
said he, "I cannot particularly tell you, but first you may 
suppose he will strengthen his party all he can, and then 
most likely make a bold push against Mahommet Wol- 
derriva, and the Black Army, for the Empire." " Indeed ! " 
said I ; " then I find my wishes are still every day more and 
more coming about, for if natural sons thus presume, where 
there are so many born under wedlock, there will be no 
doubt amongst them all (as they are so many hundreds) 
rare work in a very little time. Therefore all I shall say 
further to it for the present is, ' May God increase their 
animosities, and send me from amongst them.' " " In- 
deed, my friend," said he, " happy are those who are out of 
it ; and as to us, we have already acted our parts very suffi- 
ciently in their bloody enterprises." 

Then I returned again to my late misfortune, telling 
my friend, that in regard to my future proceedings, I 
thought the loss of my knapsack and medicines to be 
(amongst all my losses) the greatest. "Well," said he, 
"I suppose I guess what you mean, and it shall go 


very hard, if I do not in a very little time procure 
you some other," which indeed he did the next day, 
and then he also told me that he had been credibly in- 
formed that morning, that Abdallah Mahomet was fully 
determined to march the day after with all his people for 
Morocco." " Very well," said I, " and I the next for Santa 
Cruz." " Prithee," said he," don't be so very hasty ; we may 
not perhaps see one another again of a long time, therefore 
pray oblige me with your company now as long as you 
can." " Very well," said I, " and so I will ; " as indeed I 
did till the third morning, when, after our taking our leave 
of each other, I departed with my knapsack, a few 
medicines, and six blankeels. And it being a very 
dangerous part of the country to travel through, I 
travelled on all day without intermission, and got about 
sunset to Terroost, a village in the parish of Gisseemah, 
near the river Souz, about three leagues short of Santa 
Cruz, where luckily meeting with two of my old acquaint- 
ance, I was entertained by them very friendly all that 
night ; and setting out thence very early the next morning, 
I about ten o'clock that forenoon got well to Santa Cruz, 
where being before well acquainted, I was kindly received 
by the inhabitants, and treated for two days after a most 
friendly manner. Yet I did not think fit to lodge in the 
town, but retired at nights to a cave about a musket-shot 
without, where I had several Moors and two Blacks for my 
companions ; and returning again at sunrising into the 
town, where, as not altogether caring to rely myself on my 
friends, I sought out an employ, and was hired by a baker 
to carry his bread round the town to his customers, through 
which means I got a sufficient subsistence, all this time 
looking sharp out for a vessel ; and though I found several, 
yet could I not meet with any so Christian-like commander 
as on any terms to carry me with him. 


However, I did not despair, for notwithstanding my 
present state, and no hopes of a vessel at that time, yet did 
my mind daily tell me that my captivity was running out 
apace, and my nocturnal imaginations were sufficiently 
stufifed with foolish idle fancies and dreams about it, inso- 
much that I was not a little afraid that I should thereby let 
my companions know my designs. For they often told me 
how I cried out in my sleep, and mentioned Gibraltar 
(where, indeed, there was scarce a night passed without 
my dreaming of my being safely landed) ; and as at my 
awaking I very particularly remembered it, and took 
notice that my comrades began to prate amongst them- 
selves concerning it, therefore I one day, as it were acci- 
dentally, began the following discourse with them. " Pray, 
gentlemen," said I, " is any one of you a good interpreter 
of dreams ? " " Not I," said one ; ** Nor I," said another ; 
and, in short, so said they all. "However, lay them before 
us," said they, " for if we cannot come up to the true inter- 
pretation, it will be still doing no harm." 

And I having before duly considered my story, I told them 
that I had for several nights past been strangely hurried in 
my sleep by dreams, as how that Muley Abdallah should be 
fled to Gibraltar, that he was there kindly received by the 
Christians, and that we were all going with Mahomet 
Wolderriva to bring him back. Nay, further, that we went, 
and that at our arrival we were met by one of the most 
stately lions I had ever seen before, and by him driven 
back again, threatening Mahomet after a high rate, that in 
case he ever caught him or the Spaniard there again, he 
would send them in chains to his royal master, to be ex- 
posed to public view amongst the other outlandish 
monsters in the Tower of London. This, I hope, though 
altogether false, my readers will not impute to my love for 
romance, and disregard for truth, when they have duly 


■weighed the circumstances that induced me to it, but 
consider it, as it was really intended, to take off the edge 
of those inquisitive wretches from talking any further 
about what I talked in my sleep ; and having told them this 
strange fiction, they said they could not tell what to make 
of it, and could not but allow it to be a very extraordinary 
and most unaccountable dream. 

Now, being still without any likelihood of meeting with 
a ship, I am thoroughly resolved to forsake my cave, and 
seek farther, telling my comrades that as I was somewhat 
apprehensive I had worn out my welcome at Santa Cruz, 
I would first go thither to thank them for all past favours, 
and then travel farther by way of serving the country with 
my medicines. The second following morning, meeting 
there in the street a German, one of the quack fraternity, 
I soon insinuated myself so far into his favours as to get 
him to promise me to go with me; and the next morning 
we accordingly set out, and travelled back the three leagues 
to Terroost, on the river Souz, where I lodged the night 
before I came into Santa Cruz. Now we begun to open 
the many strange and wonderful cures we had performed 
by way of our doctorship, insomuch that we had at the 
village of Terroost, and up and down the parish of Gissee- 
mah, great business for a week's time. But, alas ! what 
could all that avail me. Indeed, it was with much hazard, 
present bread. But on my duly considering the many 
hazards and difficulties I had undergone to get thither, and 
that my former practices that way were altogether on 
account of the better concealing my escape, and that as 
I had behaved with so much caution in my travels through 
so many dangerous and roundabout tiresome ways, inso- 
much that I was obliged from Mequinez to Santa Cruz to 
make of it more than six months' journey. Whereas I might 
by travelling the direct road have performed it in thrice as 


many days, and all for the better keeping my intentions 
from suspicion therefore as I had thereby so far accom- 
plished my desired ends, I really thought my business now 
to be of a quite different nature than practising physic, and 
that notwithstanding there was no ship for my purpose 
whilst I was at Santa Cruz, yet I could not tell how soon 
there might. 

I had been from thence a week, during which there 
might happen to come in several, therefore I plainly 
told myself that where I was then 1 had no business, 
and therefore it was by no means consistent with 
my unhappy condition, and that I ought to make the 
best of my way to Santa Cruz again, or some other sea- 
port. However, on my seeing vast troops of wild-fowl on 
the river, I thought if I could get a few of them they might 
be to my friends at Santa Cruz a very acceptable present. 
But how to get them was the chief point. Gun nor ammu- 
nition I had none, nor where to get any I did not know. 
However, I was through very great luck provided with them 
both in a very little time, and that night I went to the 
riverside, and as the moon shone very bright, I saw a vast 
number of them swimming on the water in a still part of 
the river ; and levelling amongst them as well as I could, 
I fired and killed four couple of ducks. Then, throwing off 
my blanket, I threw myself into the river, and soon brought 
them out, and I retired for the night to my rest, and 
lay me down by my comrade, telling him of my success, 
and that I designed in the morning to present them to my 
friends at Santa Cruz, and that if he would go with me 
I would dare engage to make him very welcome. " No," 
said he, " I am fully determined in the morning to go 
another way, and as I find you are designed to leave me, 
I wish you very well." And after taking a short nap, and 
the daylight appearing, we started up and set out, he to 


seek after fresh patients one way, and I another to Santa 
Cruz with my ducks ; where I was very kindly received by 
the merchants, and handsomely rewarded for my fowl, but 
finding no ship for my purpose, I returned again to the 
river, killed more fowl, carried them to Santa Cruz, and 
sold them at a good rate. And after I had recruited my 
ammunition, I went back again, and so continued in going 
and coming for several weeks, by which time the winter 
was pretty well past — though all this time, to my very 
great dissatisfaction, no ship. 

This trade of duck-killing I found to turn to a much 
better account than my former business, and to kill them, 
rather than the Moors, much the safer way; though it was 
attended with some hardships and very severe cold, yet as 
my present condition was so very unhappy in the general, 
I thought myself very well off in it. 

Now is the spring approaching apace; therefore, as 
I had been so long in and out about Santa Cruz, looking 
out after a vessel, and all to no purpose, I was fully 
determined with myself to try what might be done that 
way at Saphee, and in case I could not be there successful 
to travel on to the Willadea. And meeting soon after 
a Spaniard, one of my old acquaintance, I thought if 
I could get him to go with me it might not be amiss ; but 
he in very little time saved me that trouble, telling me 
that in case he had not happened to meet me there, he 
should have been at that time at least a league on his way. 
"On your way," said I; "pray whither may you be going 
to?" "Going to?" said he; "a long journey, and as I 
hear a very troublesome one." " Pray," said I, "to what 
part of the country?" "Why," said he, "to Saphee." 
" To Saphee," said I ; " that is a place I have had very 
great inclination to see for some time, therefore, had I any 
business there, or was I sure to get by it but one single 


blankeel, I would go with you. "Why, said he, " if you 
are in good earnest, and your business will permit you, 
I will bear out your expenses on the road, and be helpful 
to you in everything else that I can." " Very well," said 
I, " have a care I don't take you at your word ; for to be 
plain with you, you don't know how far you have brought 
me in the mind of it, and as I have very little to do here, 
a very little further persuasion may prevail." "Well 
then," said he, " we will first go to my friend's house, and 
take a bottle upon it, and by the time we have finished it, 
your resolutions may be better settled." As indeed they 
were, before our bottle was half out, giving him my word to 
go with him ; at which he seemed, and was I dare say, very 
glad, telling me that as it was so far onward in the after- 
noon, he thought it would be the best way for us to set up 
there for the night, and so set out early in the moruing. 
Then he ordered for a good supper, after which we drank 
two bottles more, and went to our rest. 

Now am I really better pleased than I had been of a long 
time before, and as soon as the morning light appeared, 
I got up ; and by the time I had stepped to the door to 
look at the weather and in again, my comrade was up also, 
and after making a good breakfast, and taking with us 
about six pounds of bread, we set forward together, and 
got that evening without any disaster to Agroot, the little 
fishing-coves before mentioned, in my travel with the 
caravan to Guinea, where we met two Moors just arrived 
before us from Hahah, a parish about a day's journey 
in our way farther on towards Saphee,* and which we 
must be obliged to pass through the next day, who 
told us that the inhabitants of a neighbouring parish 
to them were up in arms against them, and proving 
much too strong for their parish they were obliged to fly 

* Note 81. 


for their lives, the greatest part of them being destroyed, 
and that throughout all that province were the like doings. 
This so terrified my comrade that, notwithstanding his so 
very great hurry for Saphee, and my cheering him all in 
my power, yet could not I persuade him to go with me but 
very little farther. However, I so far prevailed with him 
as to continue with me there for that night, and then I 
thought it high time to look about me for something for 
supper ; but there being nothing to be had, we took out our 
bread and fell at it, and whilst we were eating a Moor 
came up to us, desiring us to look at his eyes. " Your 
eyes," said I, ** pray what ails them ? " and laying one of 
my fingers on one of his eyelids. " So, so," said I, " you 
are coming blind apace; but," said I, "I cannot see 
what encouragement travellers can have to do any good, 
where nothing is to be had to keep them from starving." 
"Nothing!" said he; "notwithstanding my eyes are so 
very bad, I see you have got very good bread." "Yes," 
said I, " and so we have, but without any thanks to you or 
any of your neighbours, for we brought it with us from 
Santa Cruz." " Indeed ! " said he; " then I will tell you 
for your comfort, if you will look at my eyes, and help me 
all in your power, I will give you a dried haike and some 
very good oil." " Very well," said I ; " you speak like an 
honest man, and therefore pray hasten and show yourself 
80, and after supper we will do somewhat for you." 

And which, indeed, he did in good earnest, bringing 
us a middling haike, and about a pint of oil, and making us 
a fire broiled the fish, and we soon made a very hearty 
supper on it; when we gave him a paper of our purging 
powders to prepare his body against the morning, and lay 
us down under a fig-tree in the court for the night. At 
daybreak we got up, and without doing any further 
mischief to our last night's benefactor, we set out and 


travelled on farther together about two leagues, which 
brought us to the foot of the mountain Gorrasurnee, where 
the Spaniard's heart failing him, he told me plainly that 
he would not for that time travel on any farther in that 
road, was he sure to get by it a hundred ducats, but that 
he was resolved to return again to his house at Terrident, 
till the country was again a little better settled, and if 
I would go with him I should on his honour be very 
heartily welcome, I told him that I altogether as heartily 
thanked him, but as I was got over my journey so far 
I was thoroughly resolved to see it out, be the consequence 
what it would. So after sharing our little bread and few 
medicines we parted, him back towards Terrident, and 
I forwards towards Saphee, travelling up the mountain 
as fast as I could, though before I had got quite at the 
top of it, I very unhappily met with four ruffian Moors 
armed with muskets, and long murdering knives, who 
immediately, without asking me any the least question, 
fell to rifling me, stripped me quite naked, and were going 
ofif with my knapsack and blanket, when I earnestly 
intreated them to give me them back again, for that I had 
nothing else to depend on for a livelihood but a few 
medicines I had therein, and nothing to cover me from the 
inclemency of the air but that old garment. "You lie, 
you rascal," said one of them, " it is a very good one, and 
therefore you shall not have it." " Pray then, sir," said 
I, " let me have my knapsack." ** Ay, ay," says another, 
** let him have it, for it can be of no benefit to us, and 
may very likely keep him from starving." 

So through the means of a conscientious thief I had 
my knapsack and few medicines back again. I then 
travelled on quite naked till I had got two leagues 
farther up the mountain, where 1, to my great satis- 
faction, came to three houses, out of one of which came 


an old woman, who seemed to pity my condition very 
much, and gave me a piece of an old blanket, a 
dish of buttermilk, and some "jerrodes" or locusts, 
with which they are visited once in six or seven years 
to that degree, swarming in from seaward upon them 
in incredible multitudes, as even to darken the air, and 
at once overspreading a province, eat up every green 
leaf and herb, so that the fields and trees look all one as 
they do in the bleakest winter. These insects are not only 
innumerable, but of a large size, some of them at least 
two inches long, and about the bigness of a man's thumb. 
They are really good eating, and in taste most like shrimps, 
and are by the inhabitants, first purging them with water 
and salt, boiled in new pickle, and then laid up in dry salt 
by way of reserve. 

After this good woman had thus kindly used me, and 
given me some more of the jerrodes to carry with me, 
one of her neighbours happening to come by, and taldng 
also some pity on me, gave me a piece of another old 
blanket, so as I was between them both pretty well 
covered again, and really thought myself well off, travel- 
ling cheerfully on to the house of an old acquaintance, 
by trade a shoemaker, who made me very welcome, took 
off from me my old rags, and gave me a very good blanket ; 
and as he knew I fully intended to stay with him for the 
night, he ordered his wife to get ready some cuscassoe for 
my supper, and in the morning for my breakfast some 
** Zumineeta," * which is barley roasted in a pan over the 
fire, much in like nature of coffee, then it is ground down 
by a hand-mill, and after it is clean from the bran it is 
mixed with water, and is very often carried with them in a 
little bag to their labour or on a journey, and when they 
are disposed to refresh themselves, they take out some of 

■■'■ Zesomeeta, or Zummeeta. 


this zumineeta into a little cup they generally carry with 
them for that purpose, mix it with some water, and drink 
it oflf, being much after the Scotch fashion — with this only 
difference, that being plain oatmeal, this, barley roasted ; 
and on this I travelled all that day, getting towards night 
to the parish of Idogurt,* where I very luckily happened 
to meet with a very friendly and hospitable house, getting a 
good supper and lodging, and the next morning a good 
breakfast. I travelled merrily on all that day, and without 
any accident got before night to Shedemah, which I found 
to ^be engaged in quarrel with Abdah, a neighbouring 
parish, and here I am obliged, on account of those civil 
dissensions, to lie by for sixteen days, and really a good 
part of it in a miserable condition, being obliged, as pro- 
visions were scarce, to borrow a point of the law or starve, 
living altogether on raw carrots ; though indeed I had 
them for the first three days with permission, but wearing 
out my welcome, I was afterwards obliged to go into the 
gardens at nights, and take them after a clandestine 

And this should I have been obliged to have con- 
tinued longer, had I not very accidentally happened to 
meet a Moor who had seen me somewhere before selling 
my medicines, who earnestly entreated me to go with him 
to his house to see his wife, who, he said, was very much 
indisposed ; as indeed she really was, for at my coming I 
found her to be in a high fever, being in a dry burning 
heat and very restless. And now was I at a stand for some 
time how to manage, for as this was what I had never 
practised before in, I knew not for some time what to do 
with her, especially as I had lost my lancet and burning 
iron. However, I thought myself obliged to do something, 
and therefore I was resolved to put her to sleep, in order 
'•= District of Ida (properly Ait, or tribe) ou Gort. 


to which I desired the man to send somebody directly to 
gather some poppy flowers, which being soon brought in, I 
boiled a handful of them in water, strained it off, sweetened 
it with honey, and gave her about half a pint of it to 
drink, which threw her in a very little time into a great 
sweat, and sound sleep ; when her husband and I fell at a 
good bowl of cuscassoe, filled our bellies, and went to sleep 

Early in the morning my patient and I happened to 
wake much about the same time, which was indeed 
very much to my satisfaction, for to be plain, I thought 
she would have slept much longer. However, be that as 
it will, she was revived to a very great degree, and grew 
perfectly well in a few days, praying for the doctor, and 
nothing she had was too good for him. At my request she, 
after giving me two gold ducats, desired her husband to 
convey me safe thence to the castle of Allalben-Ham- 
medush,* where I was obliged, on account of a report there 
of a great party of the mountaineers having been very 
troublesome a few days before at Saphee, getting over the 
walls, and killing the sentinels, &c., to remain seven days ; 
during which I was, through means of some old acquaint- 
ance I met with there, well taken care of, and never 
failed of my belly full thrice every day ; and there being a 
very dangerous wood to travel through between that and 
Saphee, it being the general rendezvous of a gang of merci- 
less thieves, who generally stripped and murdered all that 
came in their way, insomuch that it was even impracticable 
for any going single, or but a few together, to escape them, 
therefore when any of the people had occasion to go that 
way, they gave timely notice round the neighbourhood, so 
that they might muster up a party well armed. This wood 
is plentifully stored with certain trees called argon, growing 

* Note 36. 


to a very large size, and their branches spreading a vast cir- 
cumference, which are full of long prickles, much in like 
nature of a thorn, bearing great plenty of a fruit — if it 
may be properly so called — much like a peach in shape 
and smell, though none can eat of them ; however, when 
they are ripe and fallen off the trees, the inhabitants care- 
fully gather them off the ground, and make thereof — that 
is to say, of certain small stones growing in the middle, 
the outer part being no other than a shell or husk — a very 
good sort of oil, by grinding them small, by which means 
an oil comes forth, which is used in most of their eating, 
and esteemed amongst them by far preferable to that of 
their olives. 

And now am I about to beat up the quarters of these 
desperate outlaws ; for on the eighth day, very early in 
the morning, I set out in company with about thirty 
Moors well armed, having with them several camels 
and mules laden with their merchandise, as argon oil, 
Barbary skins, &c., for Saphee, passing on till we got over 
the better half of this wood without anything remarkable ; 
when we came up with seven Moors, viz., four men and 
three women, three of the men just expiring, and the 
fourth with the women, very much wounded, lying quite 
naked on the ground, being, they said, thus used by a 
party of the mountaineers about an hour before we came 
up with them, and that on notice of our approach they in 
a very great hurry left them. This put our merchants 
into a great fright, and they consulted amongst themselves 
for a long time if it would be best for them to proceed or 
to go back again ; to which I answered that as we were 
got over the better half of our journey, it would be alto- 
gether as great, nay, the greater hazard of the two, to go 
backward than forward, for that they might depend the 
villains were nearer to us than they imagined ; and should 


we offer to go back it would but show our fear, and then 
they would, no doubt, soon become the more bold ; whereas 
if we continued our march boldly on, and kept a good 
look out, they would not dare to approach us, as by their 
running away at our approach seemed to me to be very 

On which it was agreed by all to travel on ; and after 
taking up the three women and the wounded man — 
the other three being then dead — we proceeded, and got 
without any other hindrance, about two of the clock in the 
afternoon, to Saphee, where I passed for a day or two for 
one of the people belonging to the caravan ; and, as you 
may suppose, I looked sharp out for a vessel, but could 
not find any one to my mind. Not but here were two, and 
one belonging to Joshua Bawden, of Flushing, my first 
cousin, we being sisters' children. However, though I met 
him twice, and my blood boiled in my veins at the sight 
of him, yet did we not speak on either side, which was no 
doubt a very great misfortune to me ; for had he known 
who I was, he would, I am well satisfied, have carried me 
with him, and thereby have prevented me from many 
troublesome and imminent dangers which happened to me 
during the time that I was obliged to stay longer in 
Barbary through this omission. My abode at Saphee was 
no more than sixteen days, during which I often frequented 
the house of Monsieur Pedro Police,* a French merchant, 
who was extremely kind to me, and with whom I always 
met with a very friendly entertainment, and I had amongst 
his servants, though they were poor enough, twelve blan- 
keels, over and above the master's liberality, and they 
otherwise did me all the good offices in their power. 

However, notwithstanding all this kind treatment, I was 
more down in the mouth now than I had been from my 

* Note 31. 


first setting out from Mequinez, reflecting on the many 
hardships and dangers I had thitherto undergone, and still 
no manner of appearance of an alteration, when who 
should happen to come into my mind but the black 
prophetess, whom I met with at Mequinez the day before 
my setting out, and very particularly how she had told me 
that I should meet with a great many difficulties before I 
got off; which, indeed, I knew so far, to my very great 
discomfort, to be true, and therefore I was resolved with 
patience to wait the event of what was to come. That 
night, on my lying down to my rest, and reflecting on my 
dreams in the cave at Santa Cruz, I was, on my falling 
into a slumber, again hurried after a very surprising 
manner, my black prophetess, to my seeming, taking me 
by the hand, and telling me with a smiling aspect, looking 
me full in the face, that I was a very faint-hearted soldier, 
for that I could not thitherto charge her with anything she 
had told me concerning my escape more than I had found 
to be true ; for notwithstanding I had thitherto suffered a 
great deal, yet was I still out of the hands of the enemy. 
Therefore, as she had told me before to keep a good 
heart and my own secrets, so must I continue to do, and 
my redemption would soon be accomplished ; and for me to 
abide where I then was any longer would be altogether out 
of my way, for that was not the place for me to find a ship 
for my purpose, I having yet many more difficulties to 
undergo. However, I should continue my resolutions, and 
all would end well to my satisfaction. Then, to my 
seeming, she was going off, and I, struggling to detain her 
longer, started up and found all this to be no more than a 
dream ; and after reflecting thereon for some short time, 
I fell again into a doze, and again dreamt the same, and 
further that I should hasten to the Willadea, and there I 
should find things more to my content. As soon as the 


daylight appeared I got up to consult myself about the 
journey, and in a very little time I was fully resolved 
thereon. However, I considered that it might be very proper, 
if I could, to procure me some company ; but though I 
looked out very sharp, yet could I not all that day meet 
with any to my mind. However, I the next day met with 
a mulatto, one of my old soldiers, and after telling him 
that I was very glad to see him, I asked him what business 
had called him thither; to which he answered me, " None 
further than my own curiosity." " Then, old friend," 
said I, " you had as well go with me to Willadea, hence 
about twelve leagues." To which he readily consented, 
and as readily travelled on with me, and got that evening 
into the middle of a large wood, where we found half a 
dozen inhabited tents, and in one of them got our supper 
and lodging. 

Setting out early the next morning, we got about noon 
to Willadea, off Marcegongue, the Portuguese garrison, 
about fifteen leagues. Here I found two brigantinea 
and a sloop; and of one of the former John Simmons 
of Penryn, one of my old schoolfellows, happened to be 
commander ; with whom I soon renewed my acquaintance, 
and found him and his people extremely civil to me. But 
he being, poor man, very sick, departed this life in a few 
weeks after, which was a very great disappointment to me, 
and I was really very much troubled at it. Now, finding 
provisions to be very dear here, through means of the 
Moorish butchers and bakers imposing upon the Christians, 
selling their beef at threepence per pound, and bread in 
proportion, I, at the request of the ships' masters, went to 
the markets or fairs in the province of Ducallah, about 
five, or sometimes seven leagues off, and bought bullocks 
and sheep according as they wanted, driving them to the 
waterside, where the sailors conveyed them on board, and 


neatly butchered them ; and reckoning all charges, the 
meat did not come to more than three farthings a pound, 
a middling bullock costing in the market about thirty 
shillings, and a very large sheep six. After which I lived 
altogether on shipboard, and the merchants, &c., were 
extremely kind to me. 

One day I being on shore as a linguist, two of the 
Moorish merchants came to me, viz., Elhash Mahomet 
Benino, and Elhash Absolom Benino, being uncle and 
nephew (the word Elhash" signifying as much as if they 
had been at Mecca to visit the tomb of their prophet 
Mahomet ; after which Elhash is added to their former 
names), desii-ing me to do them a favour. I told them I 
would with all my heart, so far as it might be in my 
power ; which, indeed, as they had been before so very 
kind to me, I thought I could not in gratitude refuse, 
though I must confess I thought it to be something of 
another nature, relating to the ships' masters, or the like ; 
when they, to my very great surprise, told me that I must 
go to Santa Cruz with some letters ; and as I had given 
them my word before to serve them all in my power, I 
took the letters, and after they had given me money to 
defray my expense on the road, I went directly out of the 
town, and as I travelled very hard, I got that evening to 
Saphee, though indeed I happened to be very ill received 
there, very unluckily meeting there Muley Abdallah's 
mother, and with her a strong guard, going in quest of 
him, who demanded of me whence I came and whither I 
was going to. 

To which I answered them, that I did not know. 
** Then," said they, " what business have you here ? 
and " (as knowing me before) " why don't you follow 
your old master ? " *' Follow him ! " said I, ** I wish 

* Note 32. 


any of you would be so good to direct me how to 
proceed, for I have hitherto travelled many a wearisome 
and dangerous step in seeking him, and, by all I can 
find, I am still as far off from my desired end as ever." 
" Why," said he, "he is actually at Tessout, and thither 
are we directly going to him, and you shall also go with 
us, for you seem to be bound another course." " Really, 
gentlemen," said I, " I cannot imagine what can induce 
you to entertain such a notion of me, which I am well 
satisfied our royal master would not, for he cannot but 
remember, when he was first driven out by the Blacks, in 
favour of Muley Aly, how I joined him and his small 
number at Bolowan, following him and his hard fortune 
to Terrident, and brought him back again to his former 
right and dignity, and now you say I am about to desert 
him. No, no, gentlemen, had I not a sincere regard for 
him, what could have hindered my kind reception with 
Mahomet Wolderriva. I hope you think me as good a 
soldier as any of you, and that I dare do as much for my 
Emperor ; and all this, I say, he very well knows, as 
having very sufficiently tried me." ** Indeed," said one of 
them, "you talk very big;" "and faith," says another, 
BO he does; for my part I don't think but what he has 
money about him." 

On this they felt the corners of my blanket, found 
all my money, and took it every penny from me, though 
they did not find the letters ; and then they kept me 
under a strong guard till about midnight, by which 
time (they having laid out all my money in brandy) 
they were drunk enough, and all snoring one against 
another ; when I, taking up one of their muskets, ammu- 
nition, and scimitar, gave them the slip, and travelled on 
all the remainder of that night (avoiding that dangerous 
wood) and the next day, till I got me to the province of 


Shaclemah ; where, as I had no money, I made bold to 
sell the musket and ammunition. And after I had refreshed 
myself I travelled on, and in four days more (without 
any other misfortune on the road) I got with my scimitar 
to Santa Cruz, and safely delivered the letters to Absolom 
Tooby, a Moorish merchant, as directed. During the two 
days he was in preparing his answers, I visited my old 
acquaintance, and sold the scimitar, thinking my old 
knapsack and a few worthless medicines to be by far the 
better arms for me ; and finding there no shipping, T got 
the answers to my letters, some bread, and a small matter 
of money, and therewith directly went out of the town and 
back for the Willadea, as fast as I could. And as it was 
then full four o'clock in the afternoon, I could get no 
farther that night than to the river Tammorot, where I 
had the company of some travellers also resting there 
with their camels, and in the morning I travelled on with 
them, and kept them company as far as Hahah, where I 
met with an old acquaintance, and lodged with him that 

Very early the next morning I set merrily forward 
towards Segosule till about noon ; when, having got 
within half a mile of it, I saw a Moor lying quite naked 
in my road, with his throat cut, breathing his last ; 
which soon damped my mirth, and in less than half an 
hour after I met the murderers, and stood more than a 
fair chance of sharing the same fate, they coming directly 
upon me, stripping me quite naked, and taking from me 
all but my life. This I earnestly implored them to spare, 
for that I was a poor miserable wretch travelling the 
country for my subsistence by way of carrying letters 
from one merchant to another, and that I had no other 
way whereby to get my bread, and that I should think 
myself to be for ever obliged to them if they would give 


me my letters back again, for that they could not be of 
any service to them, but to those to whom directed, most 
likely of a great deal ; which, after much intreaty, they 
consented to give me, together with my life, and sent me 
away in a miserable condition, though indeed I expected 
a great deal worse, and therefore I was very glad with the 
loss of my blanket and knapsack to compound for my 

And now am I travelling on quite naked for the 
mountain Idoworseern, which indeed was but hurrying 
myself from one bad evil into a worse, for on my gaining 
about two-thirds of the height, I was at once surrounded 
by about six thousand horse and foot, and strictly ex- 
amined what I was, whence I came, whither going, my 
business, &c. I told them that I was a letter-carrier, 
come from Santa Cruz, and going to the Willadea. 
" Very likely," said one of them to the rest of his com- 
panions, "for I see the letters in his hand." "But," 
said another of them, " how came you to be naked ? " I 
told him that I happened to meet that forenoon some 
gentlemen on the road, who had taken my blanket from 
me. However, they were so civil as to give me the letters 
back again. " As to the letters," said he, " they could be 
of no service, but I think they were very great fools they 
had not cut your throat, for in short, you dog, you are 
a spy, and come to take notice of our strength and 
actions." "Alas, gentlemen," said I, "I am a most 
unfit person for a spy, neither did I ever hear of any such 
troops to be gathered hereabouts." And therefore I humbly 
entreated they would be so good as to let me go about my 
business ; but instead of this they soon laid hold on my 
arms and throat, and had there not been one amongst 
them who knew me formerly at Mequinez, they would no 
doubt have soon hauled me in piecemeals, but he, stepping 


forth, desired them not bo in a hurry to take away my 
life, for that he believed me innocent, and if they were 
willing of it, he would carry me for that night to his tent, 
and if in the morning they thought me worthy of death, 
I should be executed in sight of the women. 

Which being agi'eed to, he ordered me to follow him, 
and conducted me safe home in a very little time, 
telling me in a most friendly manner not to be afraid, 
for that he would warrant to protect me from their 
rage, and that after I had refreshed me by a good 
supper, he would set me again at liberty. " But here," 
said he, "first take this old blanket, which is better 
than none, and put it about you." And whilst the 
cuscassoe was making ready for our supper, I asked 
him what those people were, and what might be their 
intentions in gathering into such a body ? " Why, 
reall}^" said he, " I am almost ashamed to tell you, and 
much more that I should happen to be amongst them ; 
for notwithstanding they are my countrymen, yet do I 
think their actions to be most unwarrantable. However, 
I am constrained for the present to come into the 
measures with them ; not but could they be contented 
to labour but a very little they might live very well on 
the fruits of it, as having land sufficient to employ a far 
greater number, allotted them by old Muley Smine on 
his first settling them here ; and as they increased in 
number, so did he also increase their territories." 
** Praj^" said I, " how long have they been here, and for 
what reason were they brought." " Why," said he, ** you 
must know they were no more at first than five hundred 
of both sexes, being inhabitants of the deserts, and 
nearly allied to one of Muley Smine's wives (they being, 
as they term themselves, a better sort of Laurbs}, and 
were here brought in the beginning of his reign, behaving 


in his lifetime tolerably well, though soon after his death, 
the breed being very much increased, they grew as re- 
bellious as you please, and after Muley Abdallah's being 
driven out a second time, I (to shun a greater evil) joined 
them ; not that I am any way related to any of them, I 
being born in Mequinez, though indeed of Laurbish 
parents." * But the cuscassoe being brought before us, 
he left off that discourse, desiring me to fall to and feed 
hearty, which indeed (my condition considered), I did, 
and made a good supper in little time ; when he told me 
he doubted some of his neighbours would come to look 
after me, and therefore he would show me out into the 
mountain. And after giving me all friendly instructions, 
and telling me he would answer to his comrades for my 
escape, he left me to shift for myself. 

I climbed up the mountain as fast as I could; how- 
ever, though I was destitute of company then, I had 
not gone but very little farther before I had company 
enough, and, indeed, more than I desired ; but on my 
hearing the jackals coming yelping towards me, I 
betook myself to a tree, where I had not been but 
a very short time before my tree was surrounded by a 
vast number of wild beasts, making a frightful noise, 
and so continued till daybreak. However, as I knew 
myself to be out of their reach, I thought myself far 
better off than to be amongst my last night's Laurbish 
gentry; and as the day came on, they got them away 
to their dens, when I came down from the tree and 
scrambled up the mountain as fast as I could, till I gained 
the height, and quite down on the other side, without seeing 
any of my last night's companions, save only two tigers, 
which I passed without receiving any hurt from them. 

* Note 35. 


Mr. Pellow keeps north — Gets to the Tensift Kiver and agam takes 
shelter in the castle of Ali ben Hammiduh — Back to Saffi — He 
finds it necessary to try a Cornish hug with a robber on the road 
— At Willadia, where he meets with English ships — Engages 
himself as interpreter, when he frustrates a plot of a Moorish 
merchant to get quit of his obligations — The vessel on which he 
is on board of is plundered by the knavish officials — The hard 
way in which ship captains had to transact their business in those 
days — Mr. Pellow has to keep concealed, as the Moors suspect him 
— Sails for Sallee — More trouble, which determined the captain to 
take French leave — As a precaution the Jews and Moors are put 
under hatches. 

NOW am I, to my very great satisfactioD, got clear out 
of the territories of my Laurbish enemies, and 
safely arrived near the walls of a well-built house ; when, 
being excessive weary, and very drowsy, I laid me down 
in the sun and soon fell into a sound sleep, out of which 
I was as soon roused by the master of the house, asking 
me who I was, whence I came, and what business I had 
there. I told him from Santa Cruz, going to the Willadea, 
and that I was obliged all the last night to keep myself in 
a tree out of the reach of the wild beasts. "Very well," 
said he, " and a good shift too." Then I told him how, 
at my passing by such a place the evening before, I was 
surrounded by a vast number of armed men, and that I 
very narrowly escaped with my life, being really put in a 
very great fright. "Oh," said he, "if that was all, I 



think yoii are very well off, for they are a pack of the 
vilest villains in Barbary, and generally murder all they 
meet with. I heard their fire yesterday — pray, was you 
there then ? " I told him yes, and through what means 
I got out of their hands. " Get you up out of the sun," 
said he, " and lie you down in that shed in the shade." 
And when I had slept a good nap, he brought me out 
some butter-milk and cuscassoe for my breakfast ; with 
which, being wonderfully refreshed, I, after returniiog him 
my most humble and hearty thanks, travelled briskly on, 
and got me that night to the province of Shademah, where 
at my going out I had sold my musket and ammunition, 
and here I slept that night. And setting out thence early 
in the morning, I happened to meet about ten of the clock 
that forenoon, at the foot of the mountain Jibbil Neddeed, 
or the mountain of iron, with five footpads, and from 
whom, thinking to get off to a little house hard by, I ran 
with all the speed I could. However, I was soon overtaken 
by a very speedy messenger, being wounded by a musket- 
shot in my right thigh, passing between my legs, and 
grazing about half an inch within the flesh, which 
slackened my pace to that degree that they were soon up 
with me, and gave me the most severe dry-beating I had 
ever met with before. But on some passengers coming 
by they made off as fast as they could, and I, making a 
bad shift (which is better than none), got with much pain 
to the house, where I got me some herbs and staunched 
the blood, of which I had really lost a great deal. Here 
I got a lodging for that night, and some cuscassoe for my 
supper, and, notwithstanding my wound, slept very well, 
and early the next morning went limping on, and got that 
day in some pain to the river Tensieft, near which stood 
a castle belonging to Elelbenhamedush,* one of their great 

♦ Note 36. 


men, and where I found residing a great many Jews, from 
whom I had some remedies for my wound, and a good 
supper, and very civil entertainment for the night. Early 
in the morning, after getting a good breakfast and dressing 
my wound, I travelled slowly on, still avoiding that 
dangerous wood, and a little before night got to Saphee, 
though I did not think it fit to go into the town, but 
lodged in a little house without, where I got me some 
cuscassoe amongst the family for my supper, and in a 
very little time after I had filled my belly, I lay me down 
to my rest. 

But never was I more hurried by dreams as how I 
should be at the Willadea, where methought I happened 
to meet with a commander of a vessel, and who, 
though I had never seen him before, yet did he in a 
most Christianlike and courteous manner offer (without 
my asking him) to carry me off with him at all hazards. 
Thus, at my intervals from slumber, I could not all that 
night put out of my head, but what it must be somewhat 
more than imaginary, for to my mind I plainly saw him, 
conversed with him, and found him in every point to be 
a complete man. Then, getting up very early, I travelled 
slowly on till about noon, when I met a single Moor, and 
I not at all liking his countenance, as supposing him (as 
indeed he really was) one of their footpads, I began to 
consider with myself how to behave to him, and he seeing 
me limping, gave him no doubt the greater assurance. 
Therefore, coming directly to me with a pistol cocked in 
his hand, and presenting it close to my breast, he in an 
insolent manner demanded what I had about me. I told 
him that I had nothing worth his acceptance, unless he 
would be pleased to accept of my blanket. " Then, you 
dog," said he, " why don't you take it off'? " " That, sir," 
said I, "is soon done," slipping it directly oft my shoulders 


and in a seeming fright presenting it into his hand, and he 
not being very ready to take hold on it, I threw it at once 
over his head, and soon gave him to understand that I was 
a true Cornishman. For notwithstanding my wound, I 
clasped my right arm about his neck, stuck to him with 
my lame hip, and soon had him on his back on the ground, 
when I instantly decided the dispute who should have my 
old blanket. In short, as he had so much mind to it, I left 
it for him, taking his, and after giving him a farewell 
pounce, went off with his pistol and ammunition, and got 
that night into the middle of the wood, and lodged in the 
same tent I formerly did at my first going that way with 
the mulatto, and where I was again very kindly enter- 
tained, insomuch that I thought myself obliged to make a 
present to mine host of the pistol, of which he was not a 
little proud, and very early in the morning provided some 
cuscassoe for my breakfast. 

After this I set merrily forward, and about noon got 
well to the Willadea, and safely delivered my mer- 
chants the answers to their letters. And before I had 
the power to give them an account of my miserable 
journey, I am hurried by the merchants on board a Genoese 
brig, telling me that Absolom Candeele was then in the 
town, and should he happen to see me, he would no 
doubt carry me with him. This brig was first commanded 
by Captain Wilson, an Englishman fwho was about three 
months before unfortunately drowned at Saphee), and then 
by a Swede, his chief mate, with whom, as the brig was 
there before I went to Santa Cruz with the letters, I was 
before well acquainted, and with the rest of the crew ; so I 
went directly on board, and was very courteously received 
by them, telling me that they were very glad to see me 
come back well, and that they had been at a very great 
loss, during my absence, for a linguist, asking me if I had 


dined, and if I would eat any mullets. "Yes," said I, 
" with all my heart ; " when they directly ordered the cook 
to fry some for me. Whilst they were frying, I asked the 
mate what snow that was to windward of us ; he told 
me one Captain Toobin, of Dublin, who came in about four 
days before, and that he had met with a great deal of 
trouble by way of the Moorish merchants, on account of 
his freight. " Indeed ! " said I ; ** pray what manner of a 
man is he ? " ** "Why really," said he, " a very jolly, well- 
discoursed man, so far as I have yet seen of him." "Pray," 
said I, " is he a man of a pretty big stature ? " " Yes," 
said he, " he is a very lusty man." " Well," said I, " I 
wish I could see him." " Why," said he, " that you may 
soon do, for he is as well as us in a very great strait for a 
linguist." When, on the cook's telling us that the fish 
were ready, we went into the cabin to dinner, and before 
we had finished, Captain Toobin came on board, and the 
moment I saw him I was thoroughly persuaded with 
myself that he was actually the same that I had so lately 
seen in my dream at Saphee, and soon found him to be 
under some distress ; and on his understanding me to be 
an Englishman, he asked me if I would go with him on 
board his ship. I told him, " Yes (if he thought I might 
be of any service to him there), with all my heart ; " so I 
stepped into the boat along with him, and we were soon 
on board, cai'rying me directly into his cabin, and after 
drinking a cheering cup of wine, he asked me how long I 
had been in Barbary. I told him, ever since the commence- 
ment of the twelfth year of my age, it being then the 
twenty-third year of my captivity. " Alas ! poor man," 
said he, "a long captivity indeed ! but could not you in all 
this time find means to escape ? " 

I told him I had often endeavoured it, even to the 
very great hazard of my life, but I was always so 


unhappy to be intercepted, telling him of my several 
disappointments that way, and what difficulties and 
dangers I had undergone to get thither, and that though 
I hanged off and on at Santa Cruz for three or four 
months, and there were daring that time several English 
vessels, yet could I not meet with any so Christianlike 
commander as to carry me off with him. " No ! " said he, 
** then they were a parcel of brutish fellows ; and I tell you 
for your comfort, that you have met with a Christian at 
last, and here's my hand" (giving it into mine) "to serve 
you all in my power. Therefore don't despair, for I am fully 
determined to carry you with me, even to the hazard of my 
life, and be the consequence what it will." This he spoke 
with so much sincerity of heart, and tender feeling of my 
sad case, that he could not forbear weeping; which you may 
suppose raised my joy to that degree at his so tender be- 
haviour, that I could not forbear to keep him company. 

Thus far is my dream come to pass, the captain telling 
me further that, if I was anyways apprehensive of the least 
danger of my appearing in public, he would keep me close 
on board the vessel. I told him that I was at a loss in 
what terms to express my gratitude; however, I did not 
doubt but that time might put it in my power to make him 
some recompense; but as I was then in more than ordinary 
favour with the merchants, I thought there would be no 
occasion for keeping myself close; however, I would be 
frequently with him on board, and do him by way of 
linguist all the most faithful services and good offices in 
my power. For which, indeed, he had an occasion very 
often after, for he had, as it were, but just mentioned his 
merchant (who, he said, owed him four hundred ducats for 
freight, and that he was under no little fear of losing it, 
for that he did not like his frequent put-offs), but the boy 
came dowa and told the captain he was coming on board ; 


at which he stepped u^x)!! the deck, and received him at 
the ship's side; and he, seeming to be in a great fright 
and hurry, ordered me to tell the captain the following 
terrifying lie, viz., that an order was just then come from 
Muley Abdallah, by way of Torbo Hallusah, the governor 
of Ducallah, to seize all the Christian vessels, to make 
slaves of the men, and to apply all their cargoes to his 
property. Therefore he should get the vessel in readiness 
as soon as possibly he could, assist him in all his power in 
carrying oflf part of the corn then on board the Genoese 
brig, which was so deeply laden that she drew more 
water than was on the bar to carry her over ; but by taking 
out one-half of it they might both get over very well. 

All this I faithfully told him in English, desiring him not 
to vex himself at it, for that I believed it to be a trick, only 
to hurry him away and cheat him of his freight. However, 
he directly ordered all hands at work, and early the second 
following morning got alongside of the brig, and that day 
took in half her lading, with some more from the shore, 
which belonged to other proprietors, and hauled down the 
next morning so fast as we could. And as the brig was 
before us, she got well over the bar and clear oflf, as indeed 
we might also have done, had not the proprietors of the 
com stopped us and kept us there some time at an anchor; 
during which there came on a violent storm, which drove 
our ship, anchor and all, quite back again into her old 
berth, where we were again securely moored. And then I 
was soon confirmed in my opinion of the merchant's 
villainy, and that he not only intended to cheat the 
captain of his former freight, but to run further into his 
debt, and cheat the proprietors of their corn. For we had 
but just done our business in securing the vessel, before 
our roguish merchant came on board, ordering me to tell 
the captain that he and some more of his comrades were 


going to visit the governor of Ducallah to know the truth 
of this report, and that if the captain would spare him an 
English pistol, he knew it would be to the governor of all 
things the most acceptable present. " Therefore," said he, 
" pray ask him " ; which I did, and it was as soon granted, 
and he immediately departed with it, and (as we had after 
very good reason to believe) went to the governor. 

But though it was only one day's journey, we never saw 
nor heard of him after, no further than in a sham way ; for 
the second following day came the governor of Ducallah, 
and with him four hundred armed men, in seeming-wise to 
inquire after him, they having no doubt agreed together 
before to make use of Muley Abdallah's name, the better 
to carry on their so villainous designs ; and lest the then 
governor of "Willadea might be in any wise an obstacle to 
them, he sent his brother the day before to secure him, 
and for male practices to bring him to Ducallah before 
him. And on his carrying him thither, he met the gover- 
nor, his brother, on the road, who brought him back again, 
and confined him close prisoner, under pretence of his 
suffering three sail of ships belonging to the Christians to 
depart without bis permission. He then commanded his 
brother, with a few more, on board our vessel, where our 
captain made him very welcome, and he supped and took 
up his quarters there all night, though indeed he had his 
supper brought from the shore, which was a very large bowl 
of cuscassoe, with half a sheep boiled to rags on the top of it, 
and the other half roasted, brought on a huge long wooden 
spit on a Moor's shoulder. 

Yet though they were but three that sat at supper, 
yet did our captain declare that he had never seen so 
much eaten at one meal before by twenty men, though, 
poor man, as to his own part (as not at all liking their 
foul and ravenous way of eating, he did not eat any ; how- 


ever, I had a good piece of the meat and some cuscassoe 
sent me out, which I and my comrades soon despatched. 
As soon as the Moors had supped, I was ordered into the 
cabin, and asked by the governor's brother how I came 
there, and what was my business ; and having an answer 
ready for him at my tongue's end, I told that I had been 
for some months past travelling up and down the country, 
exposed to many dangers, and very great want, in seeking 
Muley Abdallah, and all to no purpose ; for that before I 
got thither, I could hear nothing of him. 

However, I was then well satisfied that I might very 
likely accomplish my so long frustrated desires in a 
very little time, and therefore I was glad I had come 
so far ; and as soon as I had gathered a little strength 
after my late hardships, I was fully determined to pro- 
ceed further, and I hoped to better purpose ; that the 
merchants there had been very kind to me, encouraging 
me all in their power, in way of a linguist, whereby I 
got my subsistence, to which end I was then on board 
the vessel. "Well," said he, "our people are going to 
him in a very little time with their presents, and then you 
may also go with them." " Indeed, sir," said I, " that may 
save me a great deal of trouble, for I have been almost ever 
since his last absence from Mequinez roaming up and down 
the country in seeking and inquiring after him, exposed to 
many hazards, and all, till I came hither, to no purpose." 
At which he seemed to pity me, being with my story very 
well satisfied. After he had drank about a gallon of tea,* 
be laid himself down to rest for the night, and getting up 
early in the morning, our people put him ashore in our 
boat ; and after he had been some time with the governor, 
his brother, he returned again with him to the waterside, 
bringing with them two hundred armed men, peremptorily 

- Note 33. 


requiring Captain Toobin and I to come directly on shore 
before him. 

Then I told the captain the merchant's rogueries 
would soon appear, and that I knew as well as any of 
them all, an English pistol to be an extraordinary present 
amongst them, and therefore I thought it not amiss 
to take one as a present to the governor, and if we found 
him not worthy of it, we could but bring it back with us 
again. " That, my friend," said he, '* is what I would do 
with all my heart, was I sure I could be permitted to send 
a brace of bullets out of it though his brains." However, 
he gave me one, which I conveyed close under my blanket, 
and then we went directly on shore. The governor asking 
which was his linguist, and his brother pointing at me, all 
the mystery was directly unfolded, he ordering me to tell 
the captain that he would not have him to be under the 
least apprehension of danger, for that his orders from 
Muley Abdallah were only to take the eflfects out of the 
ships, and all the Christians on shore, in order to be sent 
to him, and afterwards to send the ships by Moorish sailors 
to Saphee, there to be ripped up. 

All which I accordingly told him. " A very extraordinary 
favour indeed ! " said he. "Pray ask him if he has any 
orders from Muley Abdallah for so doing." He told me 
yes. " Then," said I, " the captain desires you will let 
him see it, or at least that you will read it ; " which 
indeed he did directly, and it was according to its true 
interpretation in English, after the following manner : 

^'Alcaide Torho Hallusah, my trusty and well-esteemed 
Governor of Ducallah. 

" On the complaint of some of my loyal subjects lately 
laid before me, relating to five sail of Salleeteens now 
lading corn at the Willadea to be carried either to Sallee or 


Mammora, for the benefit of the Black Army, ray utter 
enemies ; you are therefore on receiving this my peremp - 
tory order, for the preventing all future abuses of that 
nature, directed to take all the said vessels and cargoe s 
into your custody, send all the Christians to me, reserve 
the several cargoes to my proper use, and send all the 
ships by Moorish sailors as soon as you can to Saphee, 
there to be ripped up ; and for so doing, this shall be your 
"warrant. — Muley Abdallah Woold, the Kunnateer Binthe- 
bucker " * (in English, a slave to God and son of Kunnateer 
Binthebucker, who was his mother). 

After this letter was read, and I had faithfully told its 
contents to the captain, I told the governor that his 
Majesty had not mentioned anything that these vessels were 
freighted by the Salleeteens, or that they were English, 
and that he very well knew that ever since the last truce, 
and especially since his last exile, he and his few friends 
had relief from them, and which if they had not, they 
must in all likelihood have been starved long ago. 
Therefore should they then go about to treat the English 
after that manner, it would be a means of deterring all 
others of that nation from coming thither for the future, and 
which if they should do, before they had better informed 
him concerning the truth of this affair, he would no doubt 
be very angry with the transactors of it, and in all likeli- 
hood make then answer for it with the loss of their heads. 
This put the governor to a stand, and then his brother 
told him he thought it very likely to be true, for that as I 
had been brought up with Muley Abdallah from a child, I 
therefore knew his temper, so that he would have him take 
great care how he acted therein ; at which he ordered the 

* Muley 'Abd Allah oold el Kunnateer [Lalla Kboneta] Bint el 


captain to go again on board, and that be would follow in 
a very little time witb a few of bis friends to give him a 

At wbicb I came close to him, and gave him the pistol, 
telling him that the captain bad ordered me to give it 
him in bis name, as a present ; and to tell him, that be 
had reserved for him on board the vessel two bottles of 
superfine English powder.* "Indeed!" said be, "pray then 
let him keep it from the knowledge of the friends coming 
with me, or very likely they will desire to come in for their 
shares ; " and just as I was stepping into the boat, to be 
going off, ** Stay," said he, " let the captain go, and you 
shall follow him in a very little time, for I have ordered a 
couple of sheep for him." And whilst they were bringing 
to the waterside, he asked me if I knew anything of a 
skin of sa£fron to be on board. I told him no, for that I 
had never seen nor heard of any such thing. " Prithee," 
said he, " do me the favour to inquire amongst the ship's 
company, after the most secret manner you can, and let 
me know it when I come on board." " That, sir," said I, 
" you may depend on." And the sheep being brought by 
this time to the waterside, "Here," said he, "lay hold on 
them, and carry them to the captain with my service, and 
tell him that I shall be very glad if he think them worth 
his acceptance, and also that I fully intend, as I told him 
just now, to come off to see him in the afternoon." And 
then, as the saffron was running in my mind, I bailed the 
boat, and was aboard witb the sheep in a very little time, 
and delivered them with my message to the captain ; and 
then I told him how inquisitive the governor had been 
with me, concerning some saffron he should have then on 
board. " What, in the name of God," said he, " are they 
about to do by me now ? " " That, indeed," said I, " I 

* Note 34. 


cannot tell, but that he made such inquiry is most 
certain." At which the captain knocks in the head of a 
little cag^, put something into it, headed it up again, and 
put it into the bottom of the flesh cask, laying all the meat 
upon it, and the pork in particular at the top. And in a 
very short time the governor came on board with twelve 
of his Moorish friends, the captain showing him directly 
into the cabin, where I was soon called as an interpreter ; 
and the first question he asked me was, if I had done as I 
promised him. I told him yes, and that I could not get 
intelligence of any such thing, and that he must certainly 
be imposed on. " Well," said he, " as to that, it will soon 
appear ; " and then he ordered me again upon deck, to 
discourse his friends ; and the first question they asked me 
was, if I could tell of any chests of loose clothes, or any- 
thing else belonging to the merchants, to be on board. I 
told them no, for that I had never heard of any such thing. 
Then Captain Toobin came upon deck to acquaint them 
that the governor wanted their company down to drink a 
cup of tea in the cabin with him, and which, indeed, be 
was drinking ; however, he ordered for those inquisitive 
gentry a sufficient quantity of strong Malaga wine to be 
made very hot, well sugared, and brought iu a tea-kettle; 
when they seemed to sip on at first, as if they did not 
know what it was, but in a very little time they began to 
like it, and swallowed it down as infants do their nurse's 
milk ; so that in an hour's time, or thereabout, they were 
all of them as merry as you please. Then the governor 
took his leave, taking with him his powder and his merry 
companions. By the time they were got to the shore, the 
tea operated into their noddles to that degree, that they 
were all (the governor excepted) together by the ears, and 
there was really between them a very hot combat, which 
soon made bloody work, they flourishing their scimitars, 


and cutting one another very severely, whicli the captain 
and I saw from the vessel. After they had cut one another 
very heartily, and very much blunted and gapped their 
scimitars, they were contented on all sides to give out ; 
when one of them came again on board our vessel, with 
two of their scimitars, staring like a wild bullock, and 
reeling like a light ship in a great sea, desiring me, as well 
as he could speak, to grind them for him. " Yes, sir," 
said I, " I will with all my heart ; " and which I did to a 
very good edge indeed. " But pray, sir," said I, " how fell 
you out ? It is a great pity but what you had ground your 
swords before you went ashore." " What ? " said he. " I 
ask you, sir," said I, " how you fell out ? " " Indeed," said 
he, "I cannot tell, nor, as I believe, none of us all ; " and 
then he was again handed into the boat, and put on shore 
with his scimitars. 

In a very little time after came off the governor of 
Ducallah's brother-in-law, bringing with him Sidi ben 
Eaudee, the new governor of Willadea, to be kept there 
as a prisoner, in order to prevent his running away, 
for that he had suffered the Genoese brig to sail, con- 
trary to order, saying to me in the Moorish language, 
" Tollahfee haddah Corran Astah Loggadah Sbaugh ; " * 
in English, " Take care of this cuckold till to-morrow 
morning." So we put him into the ship's hold, and 
there lodged him on a piece of matting, on the corn. 
And the next morning he was again ordered on shore, 
aboard again at night, and the next morning on shore 
again : when they finding the bait would not take, he 
was again set at liberty, all this being no more than 
to try Captain Toobin's fidelity; for, in short, had he 
suffered him to make an escape, they would no doubt have 
made a great handle of it, and it would have been very 
* T'halla fi had el curran hata Khrudda es-sbah. 


much to his prejudice. However, they were disappointed 
of their aim, and therefore, without forming any other 
designs of that nature, they are now resolved to be more 
open and bare-faced, the governor of Ducallah's brother, 
and with him thirty men in two boats, coming the next 
morning, requiring the captain to set his men at work 
in hoisting out the corn ; on which the captain ordered 
me to ask him if he had any orders from the owners. 
He told him no. " Then," said the captain, "I will not 
give my consent to let any of it go ; but if they would do 
it after a forceable manner, it was what he could not help, 
but as for any of his men, they should not hoist out one 
grain of it, for that he very plainly perceived it was no 
more than furnishing the merchants with a plausible 
pretence to cheat him of his freight." At which they 
offered to use him very rudely ; but he bravely stood his 
ground, and told them that unless they could produce 
such an order he would not meddle in it. 

On this the Moors broke open the hatches and fell to 
work, and then the skin of saffron came again to be in- 
quired after ; and as they could not find it amongst the 
corn, as they expected, they rummaged the ship very 
strictly. And when they came to the flesh tub, and had 
taken off the cover, and saw the pork, they fell a spauling 
and spitting, shrinking up their faces, and swearing that 
there was nothing in that tub but a salted devil, and ran 
from it as if the devil had been in it indeed : and notwith- 
standing they could not find the saffron, they found the 
corn, and carried it all off that day, without leaving us any 
for the ship's use. 

Now have we an empty ship, no merchant to talk with, 
and therefore no further business for me by way of in- 
terpreter ; so that I thought myself obliged to act very 
cautiously, and to expose myself to the view of the Moors 


as seldom as possible; though, at the request of the 
captain, I went to the governor of Ducallah, to tell him 
that all the ship's corn was taken out and carried away 
by his brother, without paying one penny freight : and 
then I told him also that the captain and his people were 
under very great distress for provision, having nothing on 
board but a tub of pork, which was so very fat that they 
could not eat it without bread. "Why," said he, "do 
you eat pork ? " "I eat it," said I, " fah ! " shrinking 
up my face ; " however, if I did, I should not eat very 
much of theirs, they having very little further business 
for me. But really, sir," said I, " they are under very great 
distress, and if you do not send them some relief very 
speedily, they must starve, of course, for they have no 
money nor credit ; insomuch, that I am very apprehensive 
of losing my little brokerage." 

On which he sent the captain aboard two bags of 
wheat, containing about a quarter or eight bushels, 
and the next day four bags more, and one bag of beans, 
which was all we could get from him. And our captain 
having, on their taking out the corn, sent a letter 
by a Moor to Monsieur Pedro PoUee, at Saphee, to 
acquaint him of this hard usage, and to desire his answer 
how to behave under it, and Muley Abdallah's mother 
being then there, he directly applied to her. Then in 
consideration of a sum of money given her, he obtained 
her order to the governor of Ducallah, that on the ships' 
masters sending each of them a man to Saphee as 
hostages, for the better security of each of them paying 
her forty ducats, to let the ships go, and to hasten with 
them thither as fast as they could, where they should be 
new freighted ; which was to the captain of a Genoese 
tartan * then there, as he had freight in before for another 

* Note 39. 


port, very heavy news. For that he could not by any means 
stop at Saphee, neither should he be able to produce 
the forty ducats, and therefore he earnestly desired that 
Captain Toobin would pay it for him, which he would 
repay him at Sallee, whither he said he was obliged to go, 
and for which he would then give him his promissory 
obligations ; which was complied with, the obligation 
given, and one of our people sent away by land, but none 
from the Genoese. But on my telling the governor what 
he had done, and that Captain Toobin had given his 
honour to pay forty ducats for him, to which end he had 
sent one of his people as a pledge before him, the tartan 
was permitted to sail with us. And I going privately 
aboard in the night, we set sail together, the Genoese for 
Sallee, and us for Saphee, where we found our hostage. 
During the time of our stay there I was kept close aboard ; 
however, I had a faithful account every night of what was 
acting on shore, as how we were about to take in a new 
freight for Sallee; how that om- man was, on Captain 
Toobin' 8 paying the money for him and the Genoese, again 
at liberty ; and then our cargo was sent off, such as several 
bales of Barbary skins, saltpetre, and in skins a good 
quantity of Argon oil. 

One evening our captain came on board and took me 
into his cabin with him, telling me, poor man, in a very 
troubled manner, though I dare say with a great deal of 
sincerity, that Monsieur Pedro Pollee had told him that 
I was actually on board of his ship. " Therefore, for 
God's sake, Tom, take care that you don't let any of the 
Moors see your face, for I told him you were not with me, 
and that I wondered how any one could invent so base 
a lie ; that indeed you was with me in the Willadea, and 
general on board my ship as a linguist. * Then, captain,' 
said he, ' there lies the mistake ; ' so that I hope he is 



again by this time out of mind of it. However, I say, be 
sure to keep yourself close, and I hope to be going hence 
in a very little time." 

The next morning after this discourse, came into the 
road a Dutch frigate of twenty guns, who dropped her 
anchor, hoisted Dutch colours, and a flag of truce, and 
fired a gun with a signal for a boat to come off. However, 
as none of the Moors would venture to trust him. Captain 
Toobin went off, and found the commander to be one of 
his old very intimate acquaintance, and brought ashore his 
letters to Elhash Mahomet Wadnoonee,* the governor 
of Saphee, relating to the releasement of some Dutch 
prisoners lately taken out of another Dutch ship. To 
which the captain was answered that they were then up 
in the mountains with Muley Abdallah, and that they 
knew not how to get at them. On which the Dutch skipper, 
seeing he could not get any better satisfaction, sailed with 
us the third following day, him to Markadore,t on the 
wreck of a Portuguese ship, bound home from the Brazils, 
taken by the Argaireens,| and by them cast away a little 
to the northward of that port, and we for Sallee ; where 
we beat up in thirteen days, and came to an anchor in the 
road, with thirteen Moorish passengers and three Jews on 
board, being most of them concerned in the cargo, with 
whom I soon got a very intimate acquaintance, telling 
them 'that Captain Toobin had, through very much 
entreaty, on account of my promising him to be his 
linguist, been so very good as to give me my passage with 
them ; and then they desired me to be a faithful linguist 
for them also. I told them I would with all my heart, if 
my business would permit me to remain at Sallee so long, 
insomuch that I really believe they took me for their friend 

* Hajj Mohammed Wad Nuni. 
f Note 37. t Note 38. 


in good earnest, and that they were not in the least 
apprehensive of my intentions. 

Here we found the Genoese tartan ; and Captain 
Toobin desired me to step into our boat and go aboard 
her with his service to the captain, and to desire him to 
come with me on board his snow, for that as his people 
were then very busy in taking out the cargo, he could not 
by any means come to him, and to tell him he had 
completed his affair with the governor, at Saphee, for 
which he had brought with him proper vouchers. But he 
being then on shore at Sallee, I could not speak with him. 
However, his mate told me that he had met with a great 
deal of trouble with his merchants on account of his 
freight, and that he was very likely to meet with a great 
deal more : " therefore," said he, " tell your captain to take 
a great deal of care how he behaves with his, for should 
they once get him over the bar, they will no doubt use him 
after the like manner." All which I faithfully carried back ; 
and then Captain Toobin sent a letter by one of his 
passengers going ashore to an Irish merchant, residing at 
Sallee, with the Genoese's promissory obligation and the 
governor of Saphee's vouchers enclosed, to demand of 
Captain Baptista, the commander of the Genoese tartan, 
on his sight thereof, forty ducats to his proper use and 
account ; and on his payment thereof, to give him up his 
obligation ; and also another letter enclosed to Baptista 
for his so doing. And though he, on his receiving this 
order in the morning, acknowledged the debt and promised 
to pay the money, yet did he in the afternoon again deny 
it ; upon which he was secured under safe custody, and 
not permitted to go on board ; and then he confessed the 
debt again, and that he would go directly on board and 
deliver to the value thereof in goods as a pledge, till such 
time as he got to Gibraltar, and then he would again 


redeem it. To which the captain's friend answered him, 
that as he had behaved so very much like a knave, he 
would not suffer him to stir thence, till such time as he 
had paidthe money. 

But Baptista finding means to escape, got off to a 
Moorish justice, swore the debt quite off, and had a pass 
from him to go aboard his own vessel, which he forthwith 
did, and directly weighed his anchors, and set sail as fast 
as he could. All which Captain Toobin seeing, and he 
having an account from his friend how much like a villain 
he had behaved, desired me to go aboard him, and once more 
to demand the money of him ; and in case he still persisted 
in not paying it, to cut off his boat, and bring her to him. 

On which, I taking with me seven other hands, eight 
muskets, and as many scimitars, went in our boat to 
the vessel's side, and delivered my message. To which 
Baptista answered, that the money was safe ; which 
was all I could get from him. Then I ordered one of 
our hands to step into his boat, cut her off with his 
scimitar, and let her fall astern ; on which, several 
Argaireen merchants being then on boaid, they having 
chiefly freighted her, stood up together with the Genoese 
sailors, the former with stones, and the latter with mus- 
kets in their hands, highly threatening us that in case 
we did not bring the boat on board again directly, they 
would knock us all on the head ; at which we also stood up 
with our muskets ready at our shoulders, presenting the 
muzzles directly at them ; at sight of which they all fell 
flat on their bellies upon the deck, and notwithstanding 
they were more than double our number, and in close 
quarters, yet did we, notwithstanding, bring the boat quite 
off, without any of them daring so much as to fire one shot 
at us; but we safely brought her to Captain Toobin's snow.* 

* Note 39. 


It coming towards the evening, and some odd things 
being still on board, I, as a blind, stepped into a boat 
which was alongside, wherein were several of the Moorish 
merchants, just putting off for the shore, in seeming- 
wise to go with them ; and when the merchants asked 
me where I was going to, I told them first for Sallee, 
and if I could not there better myself, anywhere else in the 
country, where I thought I might. " Why," said one of 
them, " I hope you will not leave us, till such time as we 
have taken out the small matters we have still remaining 
on board of the cargo, and if you will remain aboard the 
ship for the night, you shall be well rewarded for your 
trouble." " Why," said I, " I thought the cargo had been 
all out." " No," said he, ** and our nephews and two Jews 
are still on board ; and you will oblige us, if you will keep 
them company." ** Very well, gentlemen," said I ; "if you 
think I may be there of any further service to you, I will 
go aboai-d again, and remain with them there for the night 
with all my heart." 

So I stepped with a great deal of pleasure into the 
ship again, at which the nephews, who were by their 
uncle's orders to remain there for the night with me, 
seemed to be very glad. Soon after, the Moorish boat 
was gone with the merchants, the captain tipped me 
the wink to follow him into the cabin ; and after he had 
shut the door close upon us, he began to discourse me after 
the following manner. ** Now, Tom," said he, " you and I 
must seriously consult together, how I ought to act in this 
troublesome affair ; for these Moorish merchants are, as 
sure as death, about to play the old one's game with me, 
and cheat me of my freight; for on my demanding it 
according to the contents of my charter part, which actually 
runs, and plainly specifies, that my freight should be every 
penny paid down at the mast, before they took out any of 


the cargo. For as I had been so sadly bit by the former 
villains, I thought it very natural for a burnt child to 
dread the fire, and therefore I would not before they had 
thus covenanted take it in ; though I now plainly see, to 
my very great dissatisfaction, it had been all as well left 
alone ; for to be plain with you, I know not whether their 
honour or bonds are the best, they being both, with men of 
their principle, where no justice is to be had, very paltry, 
and not worth one of their blankets. Therefore, happy are 
they who are got quite out of their country, and out of 
their hands. This, Tom, you may plainly see, as well as 
myself, and on my refusing to let any of the cargo go, 
before they had performed their covenant. You also saw 
how they broke open my hatches, went into the hold, and 
carried off almost all of it by force." 

** Why, sir," said I, " don't you remember that on 
their taking out the skins of oil, one of them proving 
faulty, had leaked most of it out?" "Yes," said he; 
"what of that, pray?" "Why, sir," said I, "one of 
the Moors told another that it must be your fault, 
and that you should answer for it. To which the other 
replied, that when they had taken out all the cargo, 
the captain would, no doubt be glad to come ashore 
for his freight, and then they would manage him well 
enough." '* Indeed," said he, " that, Tom, is just as I 
expected ; though, between you and I, it is, I hope, what 
will never be in their power ; not but I am thoroughly 
persuaded with myself, should they once but get me into 
their clutches, they would make slaves of us all, and seize 
my vessel, and all I have in it, to their own vile uses ; 
which, if I can avoid, shall never be in their power. There- 
fore Tom, what do you think of our putting too all for all, 
and going to sea this very night ! " " Indeed sir," said I, 
** if you stay here but a very little longer, it will be entirely 


out of your power." ** And will you stand by me ? " said 
he. "Yes, sir," said I, "to the last drop of my blood." 
" Then," said he, " what shall we do with the five Moors 
and the two Jews, a married woman of about twenty-one 
years of age, and a young man of about seventeen ? " " As 
to that, sir," said I, " I would not have you to be under 
any the least concern : for I will engage only by myself to 
secure them, so as you and your people shall have no more 
to do than to weigh the anchors, trim the sails, and manage 
the ship." 

*' Well then, Tom," said he, " I will also first consult 
my men ; " and after telling them the danger that he 
thought himself and all of them in, he proposed his in- 
tentions to them, which they very well approved of, and 
as readily came into, and fell to consulting the means 
without any loss of time ; and it was by all agreed on to 
weigh our anchors at high water, and push our fortunes. 
As we knew the tide would suit our purpose about ten at 
night, we got our supper over in season, and every one, 
except the watch for the night, seemingly to their rest, 
lodging the five Moors, for our better securing them, in the 
hold, and the two Jews in the steerage. And when our 
appointed time was come, and our men all ready to weigh 
the anchors, and trim the sails. Captain Toobin went to 
the helm, and I to my post at the hatchway, armed with 
a scimitar and two pair of pistols ; and hauling in the 
cables, though with as little noise as possible, the Moors 
were in a very great hurry, calling aloud to know what we 
were doing. ** Doing," said I, " about to new moor the 
vessel." '* New moor her," said they, " what occasion of 
that, when she was in a very good berth before ? Therefore 
we rather think you are about to run away with her, and to 
carry us with you," endeavouring to get themselves upon 
deck, when I told them to sing small, and that if any of 


them all offered the least resistance, or presumed to stir 
from the place he was then in, or to make the least noise, 
I would directly shoot him. 

*' Therefore," said I, " take hold of the cable's end, 
and handsomely coil it away ; " and which I compelled 
them to do, though no doubt sore against their incli- 
nations, telling them that they should not be under the 
least concern or fear of danger, for that if they proved 
conformable to what they were commanded, I would dare 
engage to answer for their lives with my own. " But 
where," said they, " do you intend to carry us ? " 
" Nay, as to that," said I, " I cannot as yet tell ; but be 
that as it will, do you behave civilly and as contentedly as 
you can, and I will bring you everything you want : for in 
short there is no harm intended against you." And then I 
bolted the hatches upon them, and left them for a little 
while to condole with each other's misfortune ; when we all 
took a cheering tiff to our voyage, and proceeding, pacified 
the Jews (who also by that time knew their misfortune) as 
well as we could. 


Compelled to anchor ofif Mamora, fresh troubles make their appearance 
— Apprehension of an attack from the Moors — Ai-ms are served 
out ; but a fafr wind springing up, Mamora is left behind — Dis- 
tress of an involuntary lady passenger — In passing Cape Spartel, 
those who had never sailed through the Straits before, pay their 
footing to those who have — A Jew objects, and what came of his 
objection — Gibraltar is reached, and the slave, after twenty-three 
years of captivity, is again a free man among his own country- 
men — He is cross-questioned by the officials, and claimed as a 
Moorish subject by the Emperor's agent — Governor Sabine speaks 
a bit of his mind — He is weU treated, and arrives in the Thames — 
A painful meeting with William Johnson's sister, and a happy 
arrival in his native town — The end. 

NOW are we under sail with a tolerable leading gale of 
wind and strong tide with us, being the 10th of July, 
1738, a little after ten o'clock at night, though about day- 
break, the wind slackening all at once, and a strong current 
setting right in upon the shore, we were obliged to come to 
an anchor ofif Mamora,* in five fathoms water, where we 
were obliged to remain all that day, and till two o'clock 
the next morning, still in expectation of some boats from 
the shore, and which really caused some uneasiness amongst 
us, though during this we were not idle, for we got our 
arms upon deck, in all twenty-four muskets besides pistols 
and scimitars, and put them in complete order, putting 

* Note 40. 


into every one of them a new flint, and charging it with 
three musket-shot, keeping them ready on the deck in case 
of any visitors coming aboard to salute them, for in short 
rather than to be carried back again, we were all thoroughly 
resolved to fight it out to the last man ; but none of them 
coming, they saved us that trouble, and we were through 
that means, I think, by far the better off. About two in the 
morning, as I said, a fine breeze of wind coming off shore, 
we weighed our anchor, and before sunrising were carried 
to seaward about five leagues ; and then we did not much 
fear any of their boats coming after us, and row-galleys we 
knew they had none ready. 

Now are we, notwithstanding so very little wind, in much 
better temper than before, when Madam Luna — which was 
the name of the woman — desired me to tell her where we 
designed to carry her, and what we intended to do by her, 
and if it was not then too late to set her on shore on the 
Barbary coast. I told her yes, and that in case it was not, 
yet would it be altogether inconsistent with our own safety, 
and therefore she could not in reason expect any such 
thing; "however, to satisfy you of our intentions, we are 
bound for Gibraltar, where you will be better off than to go 
back again to Barbary ; for as you so very much deserve 
your name, you will no doubt be there very well cared for." 
" Alas ! " said she, " had but I my little son with me (whom 
she sent ashore at Sallee) I should not so much mind it ! " 
"Why really, madam," said I, '* since things have so fallen 
out, I think it would be acting the prudent part in you, to 
forget him for a short time as much as you can, and to 
consider that as he is among his friends he will be well 
cared for, and very likely be better off than to be here. And 
as to your own part, you need not fear of being as well 
used where you are, your beauty being a very sufficient 
protection." "But cannot you really," said she, " put me 


on shore to Barbary." "Indeed, madam," said I, "it 
cannot be done ; and if you will be pleased to step upon 
the deck, you will soon be convinced of the truth of it." 
Then she gave me her hand, and I lifted her up, and after 
she had taken a full prospect of the distance of the land, 
she seemed to be much better tempered. 

Now are we sailing slowly on with very little wind till 
the beginning of the eleventh day, when we were got oflf 
of Cape Spartell ; on sight of which, it being an old 
custom for those who had never before passed through 
the Straits Mouth to pay for the benefit of those who 
had, a bottle of brandy and a pound of sugar, or half a 
crown in money in lieu thereof,* we held a consultation 
thereon, and found all saving the two Jews to have done 
it before, and being resolved not to pass this custom by, 
the male Jew was required to pay it. ** Pay it ! " said 
he ; " how can that be when I have no money ? You 
should have told me this at Sallee, and then I would have 
taken care to have been better provided." " Indeed," 
said the sailors, " you are a very cunning fellow, and 
therefore answer us, will you pay it or will you not, or 
will the captain and Madam Luna, or either of them, pass 
their word for you?" which, by way of making more 
diversion, they seemed both to be very backward to do. 

It was therefore agreed on all hands for him to undergo 
the usual discipline, which was, in case of refusal, to be 
hoisted up to the main-yard-arm, then to be let run amain 
into the sea, then hoisted up again, and repeated a third 
time ; and then to have his face well daubed over with 
lampblack and tallow : in order to which a rope was tied 
about his waist, and the tackle hooked to it, which made 
him to look after a very piteous manner, as being no 
doubt sadly afraid he should be disciplined in good earnest. 

* Note 41. 


And being hoisted up about half way, the captain was so 
good as to pass his word for him ; upon which he was. 
let down again, though this did not very much please 
Madam Luna, she seeming to blame the captain very 
much for it. As to her own particular part, her bright 
beauty was to all of us a very sufficient cordial, and there- 
fore it was by all allowed for her to go scot free. 

This pastime being at an end, and passing most of that 
night in merry talk about, we about ten o'clock the next 
forenoon, being the 2l8t day of July, 1738, arrived safe in 
Gibraltar Bay, where my deliverer (for so must I now 
call him) and his people bid me very heartily, and I dare 
say most sincerely, welcome, when I fell to my knees^ 
offering up my most hearty thanks to Almighty God for 
my so wonderful and miraculous deliverance and the 
sight once more of Christian land ; being really as it 
were at a stand with myself if it were more than an 
imaginary dreaming in my cave at Santa Cruz, and I 
had really a debate with myself if I was well awake. 
However, I was soon confirmed in its reality, and that I 
was actually in sight of Gibraltar, and soon about to set 
my foot on shore in that garrison, where my deliverer, in 
order to prepare my way, went directly on shore, and 
after he had answered to the governor concerning his own 
affairs, he told him that he had a poor Christian slave 
aboard his vessel that was taken by the infidels and 
carried into Barbary in the twelfth year of his age^ 
which was then more than twenty-two years ago ; that I 
had undergone a great deal of hardship, and that had he 
not very accidentally and most opportunely happened tO' 
meet me there, he should not in all likelihood have been 
permitted to come from thence himself, so that our meet- 
ing on both sides was very extraordinarily providential. 

Then the governor (as my deliverer told me) ordered 


him to bring me ashore ; however, as he lodged ashore 
that night, I knew nothing of it till the next morn- 
ing. About two hours after we were at an anchor, came 
alongside of our vessel an English sailor with whom I 
happened about a few months before to have some small 
acquaintance at Santa Cruz ; and on his seeing me on 
the deck he came on board to bid me welcome to 
Gibraltar ; when I asked him if he could not give me 
an account of the ships then there, and if he knew if any 
of them belonged to Falmouth. He told me yes, there 
was one Captain Pye, but that he was bound for Ham- 
burgh, and whether he intended to call at Falmouth in 
his way or not he could not tell. So that for my better 
satisfaction I desired some of our people to go aboard his 
vessel ; but he being ashore at Gibraltar, I could not 
hear any further of him that night. 

Early the next morning (being Sunday) our mate went 
ashore, and after he had spoken with my deliverer, came 
directly ojff to fetch me ; and after securing the Moors in 
the hold, and taking my leave of Madam Luna, I stepped 
into the boat with him. Here it is impossible for me (or 
at least for anybody but myself) to describe the excessive 
joy I felt during all the time of our rowing to the shore, 
though all may suppose it, after my so long and grievous 
servitude amongst the Barbarians, to be more than ordinary. 
And now are we come to the landing-place at the Water 
Port, where, offering to land, I was denied by the sentinels, 
telling me that till they had orders for my so doing, they 
would not suffer any Moor to land. " Moor,"' said I ; 
" you are very much mistaken in that, for I am as good 
a Christian, though I am dressed in the Moorish garb, as 
any of you all. Therefore, pray," said I, " suffer me 
once more to set my foot on Christian land." " Indeed," 
said they, " we cannot, if you was our brother." 


Then one of our people (for whom my deliverer had taken 
a license the day before, and as no doubt he had done for 
all the rest, and amongst whom I was most likely also 
included) got out of the boat, ran to the office, and was 
soon back again with a note for the sergeant of the guard, 
on which I was directly permitted to land; when I fell 
on my knees, and after the best and sincerest manner I 
could, offered up my most humble and hearty thanks to 
God for my deliverance and happy landing; being now 
thoroughly convinced that I was at last delivered out of 
the hands of the infidels, though I very soon after most 
unexpectedly met with some small discontent through 
their means, though which, as it happened, did not prove 
of any great signification, as you will by and by hear. 

Now is the sergeant of the guard very inquisitive with 
me concerning my misfortunes ; and when I had given 
him a short account of them, and he had returned his 
hearty congratulations for my deliverance, I passed 
through three other sentries and got into the garrison ; 
and going directly with one of our people to my de- 
liverer's lodgings (where I found him washing his face 
and hands), he took me directly in his arms, embracing 
me, and with a very hearty, and I dare say sincere, kiss 
bid me welcome to Gibraltar. ** But, Tom," said he, 
" you were yesterday, on my coming ashore, demanded of 
the governor as one of the Bashaw of Tangier's subjects." 
"Indeed, sir," said I; "by whom, pray?" "Why," 
said he, "by one Abramico, a Jew, his linguist ; but don't 
you trouble yourself about it, for I dare engage to send 
you safe home to England, in spite of all the Jews in 
Barbary." " Indeed, my deliverer," said I, " you sur- 
prise me, for you may suppose I could not in the least 
imagine any such thing." " Foh," said he, " never mind 
it, for as you are a subject to the King of Great Britain, 


I am very well assured the governor will not suffer you 
to go with him." " But pray, sir," said I, *' does the 
governor know anything of it as yet ? " " Yes," said 
he, " and when the Jew demanded you of him as one of 
the Bashaw's subjects, I heard him give him for answer 
that he could not imagine how that could be, asking the 
Jew what countryman you were. * "What countryman ? ' 
said the Jew ; * an Englishman.' * An Englishman ! ' 
said the governor, * and a subject to the Bashaw of 
Tangier ! Pray, how can that be ? I tell you he is a 
subject to the King of Great Britain, my royal master, 
and thither will I send him.' And so far, Tom, is actually 
true, therefore don't you trouble yourself in the least 
about it ; for, in short, you have already got so tender a 
regard amongst the inhabitants here, on account of all 
your sufferings hitherto, without their hearing anything 
from your own mouth by way of confirmation, that you 
need not doubt of their most Christianlike assistance." 

And then Mr. Cunningham, the minister, came in, and 
with him several of the head officers of the garrison, 
with whom my deliverer was before very well acquainted. 
There being amongst them one Mr. Beaver, a gentleman 
belonging to the vii-tualling-office, he asked me how long 
I had been in Barbary, with whom and when taken, and 
if I did not know Tom Osborne, of Fowey, there. I told 
him I had been there almost twenty-three years, that I 
was taken with John Fellow, my uncle, in the second year 
of the reign of King George the First, and that we found 
Tom Osborne at Mequinez, he being taken some short 
time before us, with Captain Richard Sampson,* of Fowey. 
To which Mr. Beaver answered, that all I had said was 
undoubtedly true, for that he knew Tom Osborne very 

* Captain Sampson wa?, with twenty-four other commanders of 
ships, redeemed in the year 1721 by Commodore Stewart. 


well, and that he had heard him, several times after his 
releasement and return, to talk about me. On which the 
minister and he gave me their words to stand my friends ; 
and which, indeed, they did after the most Christianlike 
manner, advising me to present a petition to General 
Sabine,* the governor, which the minister readily offered 
me his service to present, and which my deliverer got 
directly drawn, and was by the parson accordingly de- 
livered. From the governor he brought me back two gold 
ducats as his charity. Then I went to church and returned 
thanks to Almighty God before the congregation for my 
deliverance, and received the charity of several of them. 
After which there was a general contribution ; though I 
did not stay there so long as to receive the whole of it, as 
I shall mention hereafter. 

The charity of these Christianlike people extended 
even to the highest degree ; for on my proposal of going 
thence in a small vessel for Falmouth, they would not by 
any means suffer it, but that I should wait for the oppor- 
tunity of a ship of force bound home, or of a man-of-war 
for Lisbon, whither they would send me well recommended 
to the British Envoy, in order to my being by him sent 
home to Falmouth in one of the packet boats ; which, 
though I waited there twenty odd days, did not happen. 

The day after my landing Captain Pye came ashore, 
with whom I had the pleasure of conversing for some short 
time, as also with the boat's crew, and they were all of 
them very civil to me ; but as his vessel was of no force, 
and my benefactors had before absolutely determined that 
I should go in none but such as was, I did not urge it to 
him. However, I humbly entreated that he or some other 
of his people would, in case they touched at Falmouth, 
inform my friends of my happy deliverance and escape 

* Note 42. 


thither out of the hands of the infidels, and that I be- 
lieved I should be sent home by way of Lisbon, so that 
they might expect me in one of the packet boats ; -which I 
found, at my coming home, they were so very good to 
remember. However, lest they might not touch at 
Falmouth, my good friend Mr. Beaver was so kind to 
write a very tender letter to his friend at Looe, in 
Cornwall, to the same purport, and which was conveyed 
by his friend to my friends in Penryn. 

During my stay at Gibraltar I saw Mr. Abramico, the 
Jew, generally every day, and whom I found had more 
than an ordinary notion with himself of carrying me back 
with him to Barbary, often threatening me behind my 
back, as I had heard by several people, with the most 
cruel death ; whereat I was so exasperated that I really 
shunned him all I could, lest I should let loose my rage 
upon him and happen to do him some bodily mischief, 
and thereby bring myself to further trouble — not that I 
was, as he no doubt believed, under the least fear of him, 
but really on account of my letting loose my rage upon 
him. However, what could I do when I had every day 
so many repeated accounts, by way of my friends, of his 
insolence ? Insomuch that I thought I could never forgive 
myself if I did not give him some gentle correction ; 
which, on my discoursing one of my very good friends 
immediately after, I was more absolutely determined in, 
he being come but that very minute from the Jew, who, 
he said, had been confirming his former sentence on me ; 
and I very soon after meeting him in the street, the first 
salutation I gave him was a hearty box on the ear, 
seconded by a Cornish tip, which brought him head- 
foremost to the ground, and beat it against the stones very 
severely; insomuch, that had not some of my friends 
persuaded me to the contrary, I should certainly have 



done him far greater mischief : though this, I think, did 
him no hurt in the main, but rather on the contrary a 
great deal of good, for he really took special care to 
bridle his tongue and keep himself out of my clptches 
for the future as much as he could. And now was this 
shrewd combat in everybody's mouth, as how I had 
corrected him very justly, and that he deserved a great 
deal more. 

Now are the worthy gentlemen raising contributions for 
my benefit, and as the generality of the people were very 
charitably disposed, there was gathered, no doubt, some 
hundreds of dollars ; but before the contributions were 
finished, the good ship Euphrates, Captain Peacock com- 
mander, from Turkey for London, mounting twenty-six 
guns, came to an anchor in the road, when my deliverer, 
and some other of my friends, went at my request directly 
on board, earnestly soliciting the captain in my favour for 
a passage ; for that as I had undergone so long and 
grievous a captivity in Barbary, and was so fortunately 
escaped thither, they humbly hoped that he would not 
refuse me so Christianlike a kindness as to further me 
with him to my native country ; or, if he should not 
happen to touch at Falmouth, or any other port in the 
west of England, to land me at London. Which, as my 
deliverer told me, Captain Peacock readily came into, and 
he as soon hastened on shore to me with the welcome 
news ; and doubting lest my very great enemy, Abramico, 
might, by way of bribe or otherwise, induce anybody to 
show me some foul play, it was agreed by my friends, and 
thought highly necessary on all hands, for me to go on 
board directly ; and which, indeed, as agreeing so very 
much with my own inclinations, after taking my leave of 
my deliverer and my worthy benefactors, I forthwith did, 
and was by the captain very kindly received. 


On this my so sudden departure, I was obliged to leave 
most of my contribution money behind me ; however, I 
had some, which was of very excellent service to me, by 
way of providing me some few necessaries, and sea stores; 
though I wished many times since, and especially on my 
poor reception on our arrival at London, that I had stayed 
there a little longer ; which, as they were very considerable, 
would have been of no small benefit to my present unhappy 
circumstances. However, I am well satisfied that my 
worthy benefactors at Gibraltar are gentlemen of so much 
strict honour and goodness, as to remit it me on my 
petitioning them thereon. 

And now am I on board the Euphrates, and under sail 
for my so long desired and longed-after island. But we 
met with very high and contrary winds, and, according to 
the season of the year, a very high and troubled sea ; 
though our ship being in all points well provided (lodgings 
only excepted), I did not much mind it, she being so full 
between decks, and close stowed with cotton, that the people 
had but just room through it to their cabins or hammocks, 
which made it so very sultry hot that I could by no means 
bear it. Therefore, for my better breathing I generally 
took up at nights with the boat on the booms, where I lay 
me down to my rest covered over with an old sail ; and as 
we had abundance of wet weather, scarce a night passed 
without my being sufficiently wetted, and standing more 
than an equal chance of my being washed overboard. 
However, I bore it with Christian patience, and as this 
part of my sufferings was in order to put an end to and 
sum up all the rest, I was not only contented, but well 
pleased therewith, rather than to suffer the smothering 
between decks ; for I might have lodged between decks if I 
would, and therefore it was my own choice. 

And now is it come to the twenty-fourth day of our 


passage, when I heard called out aloud from aloft the very 
much pleasing and long-expected word "Land," and 
which proved to be the western Land's End of England, 
or Cape Cornwall ; and the wind favouring to carry us up 
the Channel, we crowded a great sail, passed by Falmouth, 
and kept on all upon the same tack till we got off of the 
Bill of Portland; when, on account of one of our people 
falling overboard, we were obliged to bring to ; and on our 
throwing out some empty kegs and rails of timber, he 
caught hold on one of them ; then we hoisted out our 
boat, and had him well on board again. After this 
accident ( which, I thank God, was the first and the last 
we met with during our passage from Gibraltar) we kept 
on with this favourable gale to the Downs, passed through, 
and cast anchor at the Nore, where Captain Peacock found 
his wife with her brother on board of a man-of-war (of 
which he was commander), waiting his coming. The next 
tide we got to Gravesend, and the next up the river 
Thames to Deptford, where our ship was to be disburthened 
of her cargo, it being the thirty-first day after our de- 
parture from Gibraltar. 

Here, as being altogether unacquainted at London, I 
remained on board the ship seven days ; during which, on 
some of the sailors publishing on shore of their bringing 
me home with them, and it reaching the ears of William 
Johnson's sister, she came on board to inquire after him, 
asking me if I had ever seen him in Barbary. " Seen 
him, madam ! " said I ; ** yes, yes, to my sorrow ; for had 
I not, it would in all likelihood have prevented me of 
many years' grievous captivity." ** Lord ! " said she, 
"what was the matter?" "Matter!" said I; "matter 
enough, I think ; for he not only refused to embrace a 
most glorious and certain means of getting off himself, 
but (too much like the dog in the manger) treacherously, 


and contrary to his oath, hindered those that would ! " 
** Why," said she, " I hear he is very much cut in the 
face." "Yes, madam," said I, ** and so he is, though, I 
think, not half so much as he deserved." ** Pray," said 
she, " tell me how it happened, and what it was for." 
And then I told her the story from the beginning to the 
end, and that I was sorry I had not cut off his head. At 
which the pretty girl wept. However, to comfort her 
again, I told her that her brother was soon well of the 
wounds I gave him, and set at liberty through my means, 
and that unless it were his own fault, she might very 
likely see him home again in a very little time. At which 
her countenance began to clear up, and she seemed to 
behave with much better temper, though she was, no 
doubt, not a little displeased with me, and ready in her 
heart to revenge, as she termed it, her brother's 

Now I went ashore at Deptford, and going du-ectly to 
church, returned public thanks to God for my safe arrival 
in Old England, and received the charity of the minister 
and parish clerk, staying in the town eight days longer ; 
during which I was very civilly entertained by Mr. 
"William James, a Cornishman, Captain Peacock's steward ; 
and amongst all the vessels bound down the river, finding 
none bound for Falmouth, I asked my friend, Mr. James, 
what course I had best to steer. He told me my most 
likely way to get a passage would be for me to go to Beels' 
WTiarf, a little below London Bridge on the Southwark 
side of the river, and there I might very likely find one or 
more of the Cornish tin vessels, or some other bound for 
Plymouth. So I went directly thither, and soon found, to 
my very great satisfaction, three tin vessels, and on dis- 
coursing the people, I understood that the captains were 
all on the other side of the water, and that I might have a 


further account of them at the King's Head in Pudding 
Lane, near the Monument. 

Passing over London Bridge, I soon got to the house, 
and luckily found one Captain Francis, of Penzance, 
"who was commander of one of them, named the Truro. 
And after I had told him my name, he was extremely 
civil to me, and readily offered me a passage in his 
vessel with him down to Cornwall ; which I most 
heartily thanked him for, and with joy gladly accepted 
of it, telling him I should depend thereon, and that I 
would be sure to give my attendance accordingly. But 
as I found he could not sail in ten days, I, through the 
advice of some of my new acquaintance, went to the Navy 
Office, praymg the Commissioners' kind introducing me to 
his Majesty ; to which they, after they had discoursed me, 
seemed to be pretty well inclined, ordering me to come to 
them again, as indeed I did again and again, though all 
I could get from them at the last was the very extraordinary 
favour of a hammock on board of a man-of-war. 

I told them that I was very much obliged to them, and if 
I could not get a livelihood through other means on terra 
firma, but must be again obliged to go to sea, that a man-of- 
war should be my choice of all other ships ; for as I had 
never made but a piece of a voyage in a merchantman, and 
that so very unfortunate, I did not care to encounter with a 
second, which if I should, and again fall into the hands of 
the Moors, it would soon be out of my power to encounter 
with a third. Then I fully resolved with myself to give 
these worthy gentlemen no further trouble, but to hasten 
as fast as I could home to the place of my nativity, there 
to get proper vouchers and recommendatory letters to 
some worthy person, and return therewith, in order to his 
introducing me and my petition. 
At my going out of the office, I chanced to meet in the 


street one of Elhash Abaulcoclah Perez, the Morocco 
ambassador's nephews,* and whom, as I had been so well 
acquainted with him before in Barbary, you may suppose 
I was very glad to see, even much more than ever I was to 
see him in Barbary. He very earnestly entreating me to 
go with him to visit his uncle and the rest of my old 
acquaintance, I told him I fully intended to do it, if I had 
not met him there. " However," said I, "it may now be 
so much the better for me, through means of your intro- 
ducing me." So I went directly with him, and was by the 
old man very kindly received ; and after he had discoursed 
me so far as he thought fit, as asking me how I got off, 
and the like, he told me that he was very glad I was 
delivered out of an unhappy country, and that he wished 
himself in no happier condition than I was, charging his 
people to make me very welcome, and if I was disposed to 
take up with his house altogether as to my eating and 
drinking, it would please him very much ; though this I 
did not care much to accept of, neither did I, after a blunt 
manner, refuse it, answering him with a low bow. 

And after I had dined there that day on my favourite dish, 
cuscassoe, and some English dishes, I returned to my lodg- 
ings in Pudding Lane ; where I had not been but a very little 
time, before a gentleman came in, congratulating me on my 
being so near to be introduced to his Majesty, and he was 
soon seconded by several others. I humbly thanked them 
(as supposing it only their pleasure to say so by way of 
merriment), and that I wished it were true, though I very 
much doubted the contrary, by reason I could get nobody to 
introduce me. " No ! " said they. " Why, it is actually in 
the newspapers ! " " Indeed ! " said I. " Yes," said they, 
"it is." On which the newspaper was directly brought 
forth, and I read in it the following paragraph, viz., " A 

* Note 43. 


man is now in town, lately arrived from Gibraltar, in the 
Euphrates, Captain Peacock, escaping there from Barbary, 
where he had been a slave twenty-five years, being taken 
by the Moors in the tenth year of his age, and is to be 
presented to his Majesty one day this week." This I soon 
found to be one of Mr. Newswriter's truths ; for which I 
told the printer that I thought him very much to blame, 
for that I had given him no such licence, neither could I, 
without asserting a very great falsity ; and as to his 
Majesty, I believed he knew nothing of the matter. — After 
this I waited on the Morocco ambassador several times, 
and was always by him and his people kindly received. 

Now is Captain Francis ready to fall down the river. 
The first tide we got to Gravesend, and the next to the 
Nore, and the third over the Flats and into the Downs, 
and thence with a favourable gale kept sailing till we got 
off the Start, where the wind taking us right ahead, and 
blowing very hard, we let go our anchor, and rid it out 
there two days, when we moved thence, and got that day 
off Plymouth, and the next, being Sunday, we got about 
four o'clock in the afternoon safe into Falmouth Pier ; 
whence being to Penryn, the place of my nativity, no 
more than two miles, I got to the town in the evening. 

And as my father's house was almost quite at the other 
end of the town — perhaps about half a mile — I was, before 
I could reach it, more than an hour ; for notwithstanding 
it was almost quite dark, I was so crowded by the in- 
habitants that I could not pass through them without a 
great deal of difficulty — though this, I must own, was of a 
different and far more pleasing nature to me than my first 
entrance into Mequinez, every one, instead of boxing me 
and pulling my hair, saluting me, and after a most 
courteous manner bidding me welcome home, being all 
very inquisitive with me if I knew them. Which, indeed, I 


did not, for I was so very young at my departure, and my 
captivity and the long interval of time bad made so very 
great an alteration on both sides, that I did not know my 
own father and mother, nor they me ; and had we 
happened to meet at any other place without being pre- 
advised, whereby there might be an expectation or natural 
instinct interposing, we should no doubt have passed 
each other, unless my great beard might have induced 
them to inquire further after me. 

And now is the so long lost sheep again restored to his 
owners, after his long straying and grievous hardships 
amongst those monsters and ravenous wolves of infidelity, 
and safely returned to his parents, in the town of his 
nativity, being the loth day of October, 1738, and the 
twelfth year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord King 
George the Second, 

To look back upon and seriously to consider the years of 
my captivity, is so frightful and amazing, that all must 
allow that nothing but the Almighty protection of a great, 
good, all-seeing, most-sufficient, and gracious God could 
have carried me through it or delivered me out of it. 
Therefore to Him be the glory, honour, and praise, and 
may He so order my heart as always to continue a lively 
remembrance thereof, and so order my ways to live up to 
His Divine precepts during the remainder of this mortal 
life, that after all these my sufferings ended here, I may 
be crowned with a glorious immortality in the kingdom of 




(1) Sallee and the Journey to Mequinez, pp. 50-53. — " Sallee 
is built on the banks of the Guerrou, which falls from the 
mountains of the Zaovias, and divides it into two parts. That 
on the north side is called by the natives Sela [S'la] , but by 
us Sallee. It is encompassed by good walls, about six fathoms 
high and two yards and a half thick, composed of clay, red 
sand and lime, worked together after the manner of the 
country. On the top of the walls are battlements flanked 
with good towers ; the other part of the town which Ues on 
the south side of the river is called Raval, and occupies a much 
larger compass than the former. Within the circumference of 
this town are abundance of gardens, and a large field, where 
they might sow com enough to serve fifteen hundred men. 
Its walls are very ancient ; the natives say they were built by 
the first Christians who were brought out of Europe by the 
generals of Jacob Almanzor, king of Arabia Felix, who con- 
quered Spain. On the south-east quarter stands a high tower 
called Hasans, which serves as a land-mark for ships to come 
in. At the foot of this mountain are docks for building ships, 
and for them to winter in. The ascent of this hill is so gentle 
that a man may ride on horseback to the top. 

" Sallee has at present two castles, the old and the new. 
The old one stands directly at the mouth of the river Gaerrou, 
next to which its walls are built on rocks, and very lofty, 
sheltering the governor's house, which joins to them, from 
any cannon-shot. This castle is very irregular, being built 
according as the ground would permit. The walls fronting the 

384 NOTES. 

river are for the most part of square stones, with several towers 
built by Muley Semein. Within this castle, and before its 
principal gate, is a high fort, which commands the town. 
Below, next the sea, on the point of the rock facing the bar, 
is a bastion, mounted with five pieces of cannon, to secure the 
vessels which come to an anchor in the road, and cover the 
retreat of the Corsairs, when pursued by the Christians. 
The walls next the sea are low, and very easy to be scaled, 
heaps of dung and earth lying against them, almost of the same 
height. It is destitute of fresh water, except what they save 
in a large cistern, which receives all the rain falling on the flat 
roofs of the houses. There is also a well, but water is brackish, 
and serves only for the cattle. The new castle is situated on 
south-west side of the town. It was built by Muley Archy, 
is square, flanked with good towers, and has battlements like 
the walls of the town. There is a communication from one 
castle to the other by a high wall, flanked with two towers, 
and built upon arches, under which the people pass when they 
go to walk upon the strand. There are in this castle twelve 
pieces of brass cannon. On the west side, before the breach 
on the town wall, on the edge of the sea, stands another bastion 
on a rock, but neglected of late, which renders the taking of 
this part of Sallee very easy. The chief riches of this place 
consist ill its piracies, the Sallee Eovers [the Salletines, or 
Slani, as they call themselves] being the most expert and daring 
of any on the Barbary coast." 

This note is appended to the original edition of Fellow's work, 
and is evidently an accurate description of the place when he 
was 60 unfortunate as to visit it. The town as it at present 
exists is very well described by Mr. H. C. Browne in the 
English Illustrated Magazine for February, 1890, pp. 396-402. 
"What Fellow and earlier writers call " Eaval" or " Arraval " is 
now known as Kabat, and is still the side of the river on which 
the Europeans reside. M. Charant, a French merchant who Hved 
in Morocco only a few years after the last of the Moors were 
driven out of Andalusia, confirms the belief that it was enlarged 
by the latter by arrangement with their African countrymen, 
who continued to inhabit Sallee in amity until in due time the 
two towns were at daggers drawn. The river " Guerrou " is 
the modem Bou-ragrag. But in former times it commonly bore 

NOTES. 335 

that name, the Bou-ragrag of which it is now regarded as a 
tributary (just as the Missouri is of the Mississippi) being then 
considered the less important stream. Lorshia seems to have 
been a mere country place or hamlet — or, as the word, written in 
corrupt Arabic (Larsoh) might signify, a garden. It is evidently 
the same place by a stream called in the itinerary of the 
** Eeligieux de I'ordre de Notre-Dame-de-la-Mercy " (1724), 
" Larga." The forest of Bailee or Mamora is still in exist- 
ence, a haunt of robbers and wild beasts — lions, it is said, 
among the number — and so dangerous that travellers hesitate 
to pass through it without a strong escort. When the refractory 
Zemmur tribe are visited by the Sultan's tax-gatherers, they 
often retreat into its fastnesses. The river TeffilfiUe is of course 
the Wad Tilfil, and the Darmusultan the Dar-es-Solt'ana 
("House of the Sultana" — the mother of Muley Ismail), a now 
abandoned building, erected as a shelter for travellers. But 
though the political divisions of Morocco have been often 
changed, to describe the modern province of Beni-Hassan as 
" Wolelsager " must have arisen through some mistake. Can 
he have heard the Zemmur, the Beni-Hassan, or other people 
through whose country he was passing, contemptuously spoken 
of as the "Woled saghir" — the "little tribe" — and imagined 
that this was the name of the province ? Yet he must have 
traversed this region several times. The " Ganioe" (pp. 8, 13) 
who so frightened the Moors was Captain Delgarno (not 
" Delgardenoor "), who with his twenty-gim frigate exercised 
BO wholesome a terror over the Bailee men that they never 
ventured over the bar when he was known to be in the vicinity. 
Moorish mothers used to frighten naughty children by threaten- 
ing to "give them to Garnoe." 

(2) Mequinez (Maknas of the Moors), p. 53. — " Mequinez," 
Windns wrote in 1720, " stands about twelve leagues westward 
of Fez, and was of small note before the Emperor chose to 
build his palace there ; though according to Leo Africanus, 
it was about two hundred years ago a place of considerable trade 
and riches, but since almost ruined by the civil wars, and 
different sorts of government that obtained in the coimtry. 
It is situated in a delightful plain, having a very serene and 
clear air, which made the Emperor rather make it his place of 

336 NOTES. 

residence than Fez, and now it is in a more flourishing condition 
than ever, being the metropohs of a large empire, between two 
and three miles in circumference, and containing about 300,000 
inhabitants, surrounded by an ordinary wall, and separated by 
a road from the negro town, so called from the Emperor's 
black troops (on which he principally depends) being quartered 
there. To which the Bashaws and Alcaydes resort with the 
tributes and presents every two or three years, according to the 
Emperor's pleasure. In the middle of the city live the Jews, 
having a place to themselves, the gates of which are locked at 
night, which privilege they also have in most of the cities of 
this Emperor's dominions. They have an alcayde to guard 
their gates, and protect them against the common people, who 
otherwise would plunder them ; for they live in great subjection, 
it being death for them to curse or lift up a hand against the 
meanest Moor ; so that the boys kick them about at their 
pleasure, against which they have no other remedy but to run 
away. They are obliged to pull off their shoes whenever they 
pass by a mosque, and to wear black clothes and caps ; nor are 
they allowed the use of horses." 

The city (containing about 40,000 people) is now one of the 
ordinary capitals or residences of the Sultan. It is also the 
treasure city of the empire, the vaults of the palace containing 
considerable quantities of coin and other valuables, though by 
no means so much as rumour affirms, civil war, and the ne- 
cessity which the Sultan found, on fighting his way to the 
throne, of purchasing the goodwill of powerful personages, 
having kept the balance low. In those days Jews, in spite 
of the contumely with which they were treated, played a much 
more prominent part in the government of Morocco than they 
do at the present day. Many of them were farmers of the 
customs. Consular agents, or merchants to the Emperor, and 
they were almost the only interpreters to be had, a fact which 
these sharp-witted people were not slow to use to their own ad- 
vantage. Some even had much influence about the palace. One 
of them was this Ben Hattar, or Benatar, treasurer of the court 
(p. 15), who figures prominently in the by-ways of diplomatic 
history. Windus tells an amusing story of him and a rival 

" They have in this country," as they have still in another 

NOTES. 337 

form, or had until lately, " a most inhuman custom, viz., that 
any man has the liberty of buying another and all his effects, 
to do what he pleases with him, by giving a certain price to the 
Emperor, or the governor of the place he lives in. Which custom 
is practised all over the empire among the Moors and Jews ; 
whereby the enjoyment of life or fortune is not only precarious, 
but a man is liable in an instant to fall into the extremest 
degree of misery, at the pleasure of any one who (promptedeither 
by covetousness or malice) will be at the expense of buying 
another, and run the risk of being reimbursed out of the effects 
of the person he buys ; in which case they go to the bashaw, 
alcayde, or governor of a province, and bargain with him (for so 
much money) to have the person they have a mind to ; upon 
receipt of which the bashaw will deliver the wretch into the 
hands of the buyer, to do what he pleases with him. So that 
the bought man is frequently tortured in the cruellest manner 
to make him discover what money he has. 

" One Memaran being formerly chief favourite, had the sole 
command of the Jews ; but seeing Ben Hattar, another Jew, 
boldly push himself forward, and fearing a rival in the 
Emperor's favour, he endeavoured to destroy him, and offered 
the Emperor so many quintals of silver for his head. Upon 
which he sent for Ben Hattar, and telling him that a sum of 
money was bid for his head, he resolutely answered, that he 
would give twice as much for the person's who offered it. Then 
the Emperor, bringing them together, took the money from both, 
and told them they were a couple of fools, and bid them be 
friends. Which made Ben Hattar desire Memaran's daughter 
in marriage, who being granted to him, they now between 
them govern the Jews of his dominions with absolute authority." 

A similar tale, often told in Morocco, is that of the conscien- 
tious Moorish gaoler who served two clients, and kept his word 
with both. Among the prisoners in his custody was a 
homicide, the son of a rich man, who, after the fashion of the 
country, offered the gaoler a handsome bribe to permit the 
murderer to escape. The bribe was duly accepted and a day 
fixed for his release. Meantime he went to the son of the 
murdered man, and received from him another fee for teUing 
him when the first incident was to come off. He then con- 
ducted the prisoner outside, where he was promptly stabbed 


338 NOTES. 

lay the avenger of blood. " I set him free," he explained to the 
expostulating father who just then arrived on the scene ; " surely 
it was his own business to take care of his life afterwards ? 
In'eshallah ! " Muley Ismail was much helped by the Jews, and 
to the end of his life notably under their influence, while the 
chief advisers of Sidi Mohammed and many minor officials were 

(3) The Emperor's Palace, p. 59. — Muley Ismail is said to 
have had, first and last during his long lifetime, " no less than 
eight thousand wives [or inmates of the harem] , by whom he 
had nine hundred sons and about three hundred daughters. 
This prodigious number of children might pass for a fable was 
there not a certain proof of it, viz., the register of a particular 
tax which this province laid upon the Jews to be paid by way 
of presents on the birth of every one of his children, to wit, 
a pair of gold pendants, or ear-bobs, a pearl, and two thin plates 
of gold, on which were engraved some wishes or prayers in 
favour of the child and its mother. The value of such a present 
amounted to about fifteen pounds for a son. That which they 
were obUged to make on the birth of a daughter was not so 
considerable, the ear -bobs being only of silver, and the two 
plates of the same metal, and no pearl." The number 
of sons has by other authorities been reduced to 520, and 
the ladies of the harem to four thousand, though these 
estimates are little better than guesses. The palace of 
Sherrers as it existed early in the eighteenth century is fully 
described in Windus's " Journey to Mequinez," pp. 100-106, 
the long note appended to the original edition of Fellow's 
narrative being, like most of these addenda, taken from that 
volume. This building, or collection of buildings — for it con- 
tained fifty palaces, each having its own baths and mosques, 
and independent of the main structure — comprised a stable 
or " Aroua " capable, according to Aboulqasem ben Ahmed 
Ezziani, of accommodating twelve thousand horses, including 
granaries and store-rooms. This once noble imperial quarter is 
now a mass of ruins, very well described in M. de la Martiniere's 
recent volume. 

(4) Cruelties of Muley Ismail, p. 63. — These and a host of 

NOTES. 889 

even more horrible tortures are described by many contemporary 
writers as practised by this savage monarch and his successors. 
The modern Moorish sovereigns are less addicted to cruelty, but 
curious tales are told of nails wrenched out by pinchers, of 
splinters driven in beyond the quick, of hands rotted off in raw- 
hide bags filled with quicklime and salt, mangling by wild beasts ; 
of the " wooden jellabia," a box lined with sharp spikes into 
which a Kaid unwilling to disgorge his wealth is placed, and 
even of burning, baking in ovens, and crucifixion having been 
occasionally followed in days not so very remote as not to be 
remembered by living men. 

(5) Commodore Stewart's Embassy, pp. 65, 72. — In this embassy 
of Commodore Stewart's, Pellow had a certain share, though 
excluded from the good offices of the ambassador owing to his 
having "turned Moor" — all renegades being recognized as 
subjects of the Prince of True Believers, and therefore for their 
soul's sake not permitted to return among the infidels. For he 
was constantly about the Emperor's person during the stay of 
the mission in Mequinez. But he " passed it by in his journal " 
because, as he told the editor of his MS., " I have matter enough 
concerning my own adventures (over and above the small share 
I had in that), and such I hope (being the plain and natural 
truth, without the least mixture of romance or affectation) as 
will in no wise be unacceptable to the reader." The original 
editor of the narrative, however, thought fit to "pad" it out 
with a long extract from Windus's account of the mission,* 
which we have not considered it necessary to reprint. In all, the 
ambassador ransomed 296 English captives, " being what were 
left alive and had not turned Moors of those who had been 
taken in about seven years' war," including twenty-five com- 
manders of ships. Among the latter was Captain Henry Boyd, 
who made the sketches of Alcazar, Mequinez, &c., engraved in 
" Several Voyages to Barbary " (1736). 

(6) Moorish Surgery, p. 70. — Almost the only remedy practised 

* "A Journey to Mequinez, the Residence of the present Emperor of 
Fez and Morocco, on the occasion of Commodore Stewart's Embassy 
thither for the Redemption of the British Captives in the year 1721 " 
(London : Printed by Jacob Tonson, 1725). 

340 NOTES. 

is the burning of different parts of the body with a red-hot iron. 
The Moorish doctor selling charms written on scraps of dirty 
paper for the cure of internal diseases, and with his " actual 
cautery" in the fire before him, ready to apply it with equal 
readiness to the horse and to his rider, is a famihar sight at any 
market in Morocco. 

(7) Henna, p. 76. — This plant [Lawsonia inemiis) is now grown 
all over Morocco as an article of commerce. The colour it im- 
parts is, however, not black, but reddish orange. 

(8) Horses, p. 83. — Most of these remarks about horses seem 
to have been interpolated by the editor from the information 
contained in his usual authority. 

(9) Wild Animals, p. 84. — The " tygers " which so many old 
writers on Morocco mention, are not the Asiatic animals of 
that name ; they are leopards (Nemeur). Even Bruce talked 
of " tigers " in Africa. Jackals (Dib), hyaenas (Debaa), wild 
cats (El Cat el berranee) and foxes (Thaleb) are, however, 
sufficiently common. There is, indeed, a fox-hunting club 
at Tangier, and Major Gilbard informs us that in 1853 the 
Calpe Club hounds, in a meet they had on the African side 
of the Strait, " had a splendid run with a wolf — forty-seven 
minutes with only one check — the distance traversed being nine 
miles over a very rough country." But I do not know any 
species which inhabit Barbary, and in M. Lastate's "Etude" 
{Actes de la Societe Linneenne de Bordeaux, vol. xxxix. pp. 129- 
289), which gives a list of all the mammals of that region known 
up to the year 1885, no wolf is mentioned. 

(10) Province of Talgror, p. 86. — This must be either a mistake 
or some obsolete designation, though I am not aware that any 
division of Dukkala (often as it has been broken up and reunited) 
was called by this name. Those of the other places, in spite of 
their primitive spelling, are not difficult to trace. " Cedeboazzo " 
is, for example, Sidi Bou Azza, " Mesmeath," Amezmiz, &c. 

(11) The Golden Globes of Morocco City (Marakesch) p. 99. — 

NOTES. 841 

These globes on the top of the Kutubia Mosque (three in 
number, not four, their size graduating from the undermost 
to the uppermost), though often an object of cupidity to kings 
in want of coin, remained in situ to early in this century, 
mainly owing to the difficulty which their mode of fixation 
offered to the plunderer, these failures giving rise to the story 
that they were protected by " djinns," " afreets" (more correctly 
jinoon and (if art), or spirit - guards. But they were finally 
taken down, and either replaced by others, or, when their 
true value was discovered, replaced by gilded facsimiles. 
Another story is that their origin was due to the desire of 
the Queen of Muley Abd El Mumin (1128-1162) to ornament 
the mosque built by her husband, and that the gold they were 
made of was derived from the jewels presented to her by the 
King. Captain John Smith, visiting Morocco in 1604, saw them 
on what he calls the "Christian Church." Against "these 
golden Bals of Afifrica," he tells us, "hath been shot many a 
shot," though none ever hit them. He gives their weight at 
784 lbs., and repeats the tale he heard of their origin, which 
was to the effect that the Prince of Morocco betrothed himseK 
to the " King's Daughter of Etheopea." But he dying before 
their marriage, " she caused those three golden Balls to be set 
up for his Monument," while she herself remained single all her 
life. Jean Mocquet, " Garde du Cabinet des Singularites du 
Roi, aux Tuileries," who reached Morocco the year after the 
" Admirall of New England," tells much the same story with 
other romantic incidents. Monsieur Charant, a French mer- 
chant who visited the city some time between the years 1645 
and 1670, also mentions them. But by that period shots seem 
to have taken effect, for these "golden apples, especially the 
biggest, is banch'd in several places with the blows of musket 
bullets which have been shot at it, and some places pierced 
quite through them, for they are not massive, but only about 
the thickness of a finger's breadth. I wondered at it, and 
asked some of the ancientest men, how they came to be so: 
It was answer'd that souldiers of Jacob Elmansor (1163-1184) 
when they took the city did it. I reply'd why did they not 
take them away ? they durst not, said one, for they are 

The city is now only a large decaying town, half in ruins, civil 


war and bad government having reduced its population to about 
30,000 in ordinary, and perhaps double that number when the 
Emperor and his troops are there. 

(12) Robbery of Officials, p. 105. — Without any alterations 
these words apply equally well to the extortions of all the 
officials. They buy their offices, receiving no pay, or a merely 
nominal salary ; yet they usually enrich themselves by robbery 
until the evil time comes when they are invited to digorge, and 
unless they manage to satisfy the Sultan are thrown into a 
dreadful prison, or, after drinking tea with their sovereign, die in 
agony from a dose of arsenic. Poison in Morocco is a recognized 
instrument of diplomacy ; it is what all men dread. 

(13) Lions, dc, p. 109. — Leopards are now rather scarce in 
Morocco, and lions are seldom seen in the northern parts of the 
empire, though they are by no means absent ; yet men live for 
years in the country without catching a glimpse of one. But 
last century, and even at the beginning of this, they seem to 
have been common. Francis Brooks in 1681, and Thomas 
Phelps in 1685, while making to the coast after their escape 
from Mequinez, encountered several ; and at a later date 
Dominique Busnot supplies a curious account of the boldness 
of these beasts, the semi- depopulation of the country during the 
wars of succession, and the absence of arms and provisions, 
having allowed them to multiply. The account Pellow gives 
of the way the Arabs treat a lion when they meet it unarmed is 
an exact description of their present modus operandi. 

(14) The March to Guzlan, p. 112. — Most of the places named 
in this itinerary are as yet unknown to geographers. Swagtah 
is not, to my knowledge, the name of any large district in 
Morocco, far less of a province, though it may be the name 
applied in former times to one of the transmontane areas. 
Guzlan (or Ghrazlan ?) is not a town which comes within my 
ken ; but there is, in the region described, a province once 
,known under the designation of Guezula, Gzoula, Gesula, or 

Guezzoula, all of which may be corruptions of the ancient 
Gaetulia. It must, however, be remembered, setting aside the 

NOTES. 843 

errors due to the author's failing memory, and the misappre- 
hension of Arabic and Berber names, over which even the most 
educated of travellers make sad blunders, many of the places 
named were no more than kasbahs, or mud forts, which are apt 
not only to change their names with the various commandants, 
but to disappear before the wrath of the Sultan or of warlike 
tribes, or to melt away under the influence of the weather 
when from any reason they are deserted. It must also be 
remembered that the limits of the provinces have frequently 
varied according as they have been occupied by different tribes, 
the whim of the Sultan, or the convenience or interests of the 
hour, and that this variation of extent may have caused a 
variation of name. Most of the best-known provinces were 
originally, like the old provinces of France, small kingdoms 
perpetually at variance among themselves, till the present 
dynasty subdued and united them under one sovereign. In 
Chenier's day several of these divisions bore more than one 
name, and even yet it is seldom that two intelligent Moors 
agree in giving the list exactly the same, while no one pretends 
to define these provincial boundaries with more than approxi- 
mate accuracy. Agoory, so frequently mentioned in Fellow's 
narrative, though not in any previous author's, is a little town 
which looks like a garden surroimded by walls. It is inhabited 
by the descendants of Renegades. 

(15) The Moorish Army, p. 115. — This force is now much 
more efficient, being better armed and more scientifically drilled 
than in Fellow's day. But its commissariat is, as of old, organ- 
ized plunder of the country through which it passes. The land 
is "eaten up" by it during a march, so that instead of any 
district petitioning after a fashion with which we are famihar in 
England for the sovereign to honour it with a visit, the people 
humbly beg his Shereefian Majesty to save them from this costly 
distinction, offering him in lieu of his intended purpose a sum 
of money. But in one respect the soldiers with whom Thomas 
Fellow marched were better situated than those who are led to 
victory by the gallant Kaid Maclean, an English officer to whom 
the Moroccan troops owe a deep debt of gratitude. For while 
many of the latter are clothed, armed, and drilled something 
after the Eastern fashion, they have no longer a " German" or 

344 NOTES. 

any other surgeon to bind these wounds. These misfortunes of 
war are left to nature, or the blood is rudely staunched by native 
methods, such as dipping the stump into hot pitch, after the 
manner in vogue when Ambrose Pare was the most cunning 
leech of his day ; or, more frequently, the patient tribesmen die 
imtended, refusing to risk entering into Paradise maimed by the 
hand of man. Yet they are eager enough to accept medical 
advice and medicine from any infidel doctor, and as all Euro- 
peans are supposed to belong more or less to the medical 
profession, a journey into the interior of Morocco is not without 
perils to the philanthrophic traveller who takes a pleasure in 
dispensing pills or potions with more zeal than knowledge. The 
Emperor has sometimes the services of a European physician at 
his disposal, preferring such a one to his native At'oubba, and 
of late years the presence of the French Military Commission 
with his army has enabled him to obtain the aid of the surgeon 
attached to it without the fear of being poisoned which constantly 
haunts the great ones of Maghreb-al-Aksa. The German surgeon 
in Pellow's force was doubtless a renegade slave. In those days 
the Sultan had a free choice of almost any professional or artistic 
skill from among the many captives always arriving. To them 
some of the so-called triumphs of old Moorish architecture are 
due. The buildings were, in reality, constructed by Christian 
slaves, just as so many in Grenada and Cordova reared during 
the Arab domination were the handiwork of Egyptian, Spanish, 
and Jewish craftsmen in the employment of the Moorish 

(16) Wine Drinking, p. 119. — The ease with which Pellow 
indulged in drinking bouts was due to the Jews, who to this day 
make great quantities of a Malaga-like wine from the native 
grapes, besides a peculiar (and particularly disagreeable) kind 
by boiling down the must. They also prepare a brandy from 
dates and figs and other fruits, though of late, owing to it having 
been introduced into the harems, their freedom of distillation 
has been somewhat curtailed. The Moors in Pellow's time 
seemed to have drunk wine more freely, or at least more openly, 
than now. In the coast towns a tipsy native is not an uncom- 
mon sight, though his escapade usually costs him dearly if the 
Bashaw — or Kaid, for the word Bashaw is unknown to the 

NOTES. 345 

Arabic, being simply a corruption of Pasba, the Turkish term 
applied to a high official by the Europeans — considers him worth 
squeezing by means of a judicious course of imprisonment, or 
of the stick. On Mogador Island there is a place of confinement 
for Moors convicted of the offence, though the gossips of S'ouera 
whisper that even there the obtaining of a supply of gin is 
only a question of money paid to the guardian of the Retreat. 
In the interior, however, it is much rarer ever to see drinking, 
far less drunkenness, and at no banquet given by the great 
officers of State, either to private individuals or to embassies, are 
strong waters of any sort even offered. But it is affirmed that 
though the Emperor is a strict observer of the law, some of his 
ministers are, in the privacy of their own dining-rooms, by no 
means so abstemious. Moreover, many of the more dissolute 
Moors, besides smoking tobacco (which also is against the 
Moorish interpretation of the Koran, and in 1887 was expressly 
prohibited by Muley El Hassan, the present Sultan), are under- 
stood to be quite familiar with the flavour of brandy — anything 
being lawful if only it is regarded as medicine ; while one or 
two — the Grand Shereef of Wazan among the number — are 
rumoured to have even discovered what bit of pig was pro- 
nounced accursed by the Prophet. As for the Berbers of 
the Riff mountains, they drink wine and eat the wild boar 
without the slightest compunction. In Muley Ismail's day 
there was scarcely any concealment of the vice. The more 
favoured Christian slaves, as in Algiers, were permitted not 
only to distil spirit, but to make money by keeping taverns 
in Fez and Mequinez, which enabled them to buy their 
freedom. The renegades almost to a man indulged whenever 
they had a chance, and " One Carr," a turn-coat Englishman, 
who during Fellow's time had charge of the cannon foundries, 
and by Captain Braithwaite's account seems to have been a bad 
specimen of a bad type, not only got drunk at Mr. Russel the 
English Envoy's dinner, but confessed that unless he shut him- 
self up at times and took a " good dose of wine " melancholy 
would have taken possession of him. The brothers of the 
Bashaw of Tetuan used to enter the kitchen during Mr. Russel's 
embassy, and threaten to murder the cook " if she did not give 
them pudding and wine." But as one of the guards picked the 
pocket of Mr. Windus as he stood beside the prince, afterwards the 

346 NOTES. 

Emperor Muley Abdallab, and the domestics at tlie palace were 
so prone to cut tlie buttons off the ambassador's coat that he 
generally appeared in his worst suit, this trait is not remarkable. 
A renegade who kept the Sultan's garden sold " a cup of wine 
on the sly ; " a saint entertained the embassy with a " pleasant 
drink " not unlike mead, and among the presents for the 
Emperor Muley Ahmed IV. (Ed-dehebi), the EngHsh Govern- 
ment of those days had, either through ignorance, or through 
very accurate knowledge of the Imperial tastes, sent " four cases 
of Florence." This his Shereefian Majesty, with the help of a 
few boon-companions, finished in a couple of sittings, and was 
so tipsy when the ambassador called upon him that all he could 
say was that the Christians were to have all they wanted — 
plenty of roast pig and wine. The former forbidden dainty the 
Sultan also freely indulged in, though he preferred a roast fox. 
Muley A'bd-el-Malik II. was assassinated in his tent by a French 
Renegade named Chaban (not by " a discontented slave " as 
Chenier has it) while he was sleeping off a bout of drunkenness. 
Crom-el-Hajj was slain by his vmwilling bride (who afterwards 
married his son) on the wedding night while the king lay stupefied 
by drugs she had dropped into his wine, and thus not only freed 
herself from a distasteful alliance, but avenged the blood of her 
family which had splashed the throne of the usurper. The 
infamous Muley El Jezid was also an almost open drunkard. And 
though it is not exactly history, we must all remember the case 
bottles which Eobinson Crusoe found on board the Sallee boat, 
and the liberal use he and Xiu-y made of their contents. To 
this hour, the bacchanalian song of Muley Bou Shaib, often sung 
at feasts, celebrates the pleasures of grape juice. In short, now- 
adays, as in those of Sir John Maundevile, " Sume sarrazines 
drynken wyn prevyly." 

(17) Taffilet and the Imperial Family, p. 120.— These data are 
still accurate. The Sultan cannot provide for all of his family, 
so that by this time thousands of people who are the poorest 
labourers have some of the blood of Muley Ismail in their veins. 
In the time of Sidi Mohammed (1747-1789) the survivmg 
male children occupied five hundred houses, in Taffilet, or 
Sidjilmasa, as Aboulqasem calls it, indifferently. I have 
even known second cousins of the present Emperor humbly 

NOTES. 347 

engaged as domestic servants to Europeans. As for descend- 
ants of the Prophet, they fill places in every grade of society ; 
there are plenty of •' Shereefs " begging their bread, and 
are doing very well at this business, which in Morocco is an 
excellent one, especially if the mendicant is of saintly character 
or illustrious lineage. Taffilet being the natal land of the 
Shereefs, and most of the inhabitants being descended from 
them — their distinguishing mark being a green turban — the 
country is known as Bled Shereef — that is, the Country of the 
Princes (descended from the Prophet). The entire territory is 
scattered with fortresses surrounded by walls of " tabia " — each 
containing three or four hundred families, who hold weekly 

(18) Moors ami Arabs, p. 120. — Here, like most of the writers 
of his time, Pellow applies the term Moor in a very vague sense. 
All the inhabitants of Morocco, the Jews and Europeans ex- 
cepted, are often so designated. This is a mistake. The substra- 
tum of the country are the Berbers, who extend all over North 
Africa, under the name of Berbers, Shluhs, Kabyles, Touaregs, 
Ac, and though now good Moslems, have never yet acknowledged 
the Arabs' domination. It is they who form the bulk of the 
mountaineers who give the Sultan such ample employment for 
his Krupp guns and his standing aimy. The Arabs are the latest 
invaders of the country. They came when the Roman (Byzantine) 
power was breaking up, and are the inhabitants of the plains, 
being, unlike the Berbers (Brebbers), not denizens of villages or 
much addicted to agriculture, but, for the most part, wandering 
herdsmen, the Bedouins of many a familiar travel-tale. The Moors 
are also Arabs, but much mixed with European and other blood. 
They are for the greater part inhabitants of cities, merchants, 
artizans, oflScials, &c., and are the most refined of the people. 
Still, it is hard to draw any fast line between them and the 
Arabs, though for convenience' sake the term Moor is usually 
— or ought be — applied to the town-dwellers of the Barbary 

(19) Bushwour/h, a Native of the Brazils, p. 121. — At that 
period the Portuguese held Mazagan on the coast, and, as might 
have been expected, many slaves were constantly escaping from 

348 NOTES. 

them, or were actually sold to the Moors, or in their continual 
skirmishes were captured from the Christians. 

(20) The Black Imperial Guard, p. 141.— The Bokhari— 
so-called from Al Bokhari, on whose Korannic commentaries 
they were sworn — deserve all the esteem in which they were 
held during Fellow's time, though they are no longer the 
backbone of the army, and by the formation of the "Askar" 
or regular force of infantry, organized on a European 
model, are, happily, incapable of playing the part of the 
Turkish Janissaries or Koman Pretorians which in former 
times made them so troublesome. They are, however, still 
the Sultan's guard, and a fine powerful body of men. 
Fellow, it seems to me, greatly magnifies the number of 
the force. When they were most powerful, their headquarters 
were at Mequinez, and they numbered from 13,000 to 15,000 ; 
but they are now a much less considerable force. Originally 
formed from the Sultan's hereditary slaves, brought from the 
Western Soudan, their blood is now considerably mixed, but they 
have lost little of the physique and courage of their race. In 
all the engagements of the Spanish war of 1859-60 they 
acquitted themselves like men, badly disciplined and infamously 
armed as they were — and are ; and at Isly these courageous 
negroes alone awaited the shock of the French. The Arabs and 
Berbers made a wild charge, fired off their flint-lock muskets, 
and then wheeled about, as their fashion is. But in Muley El 
Hassan's opinion they were too much of the nature of a double- 
edged tool, for they did not only form a bulwark to the throne, 
but when things did not always go their own way were apt to 
chop round and change the succession. 

(21) Mr. Russel and the Christian Captives, p. 153. — On " Jan. 
17th, 0. S., 1727-8," Mr. Kussel brought to the coast twelve 
captives, though only two of them were English, the rest being 
either English subjects or foreigners captured on English ships. 

(22) Mvleij Ismail and his So7is, pp. 148, 193. — How much of 
these tales of fii*e and sword is historical it is now difficult ta 
affirm with any certainty ; for in those days, as in ours, news from 

NOTES. 349 

the interior of Morocco was hard to obtain, or being obtained, it 
was hard to eliminate the lies with which it was so plentifully 
impregnated. Yet the historians who wrote long after Fellow's 
time, and were evidently unacquainted with his narrative, con- 
firm much of what the Penryn mariner has penned. Many of 
the places he mentions are still well known, and can be detected 
under his phonetic and ofttimes blundering spelhngs. Others 
are more problematical, especially the names of certain " pro- 
vinces." In that curious narrative of a nameless Christian 
slave whose manuscript Simon Ockley, Professor of Arabic in 
Cambridge, edited (1715); in Chenier's better-known "Recherches 
historiques sur les Maures " (1787) ; in St. Olon's " Relation de 
I'Empire de Maroc " (1695); in Busnot's " Histoire du regne 
de Mouley Ishmael " (1714), and, among similar narratives of 
embassies which visited the country of the aged tyrant who was 
Fellow's first master, m Braithwaite's " History of the Revolu- 
tions in the Empire of Morocco" (1729), may be found ample, 
almost contemporary, confirmation of many of the statements 
made in the preceding pages. Muley Ismail delighted in war and 
slaughter. He would think nothing of fracturing the limbs of 
an official who had offended him, and then ordering the mangled 
wretch to be sewn into a bull's hide and dragged through the 
camp. If a slave did not build after his notions of what was 
right, he would playfully break a brick over his head, or spear 
him on the spot, or even order him to have his legs burnt off 
with quicklime, and then be built up in the walls. His palace 
was a hot-bed of intrigues — the rival wives struggling to advance 
themselves and then- sons, and to ruin the children of their 
rivals. Thus Muley Mohammed, the best of the many sons of 
the Emperor, by the machinations of Lala Zidan, a negro 
queen, was first driven into rebellion and then butchered. When 
the Emperor was intent on meting out punishment, he was pre- 
ceded by a guard escorting fourteen Christian slaves carrying a 
copper cauldron (captured on a Portuguese ship), a hundredweight 
of tar or pitch, and as much oil and tallow, and these in their 
turn were followed by a cartload of wood and six butchers, 
each with a knife in his hand. To this day the hands of thieves 
are cut off, and, like the heads of rebels, stuck over the gates of 
the interior cities, the presence of Europeans in the coast towns 
preventing this hteral obedience to the injunction of the Koran 

860 NOTES. 

touching an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth. The Editor 
numbers among his travelling acquaintances throughout the 
Barbavy States a great many Moors who display a marked 
reticence to expose their right arm ; and in Mogador there ia a 
beggar who, having been proved guilty of slandering another 
Moslem of his own profession, was adjudged by the Kadi to have 
his lips rubbed with fresh capsicums ! To silently draw one's 
finger along his lips is still so painful a reminder of that episode 
in his career, that he will instantly, in the midst of the most 
profuse flattery, disappear down the nearest lane. 

But in the days of Muley Ismail and his successors the 
entrances to half the towns of the empire were simply festooned 
by horrible human remains. He sent, for instance, after the 
rebellion in the then province of Shavoia, ten thousand heads to 
Fez and Morocco, to be fixed upon the walls of those cities, 
among them being those of hundreds of the women and children 
whom the monster had slaughtered in cold blood. He kept an 
enormous number of cats — and appointed a Kaid (Alcayde) to 
control their gambols, and delighted in dog-fighting. But if the 
dogs would not fight, or were so savage as to kill each other, 
then the keeper was duly cudgelled by the irritable despot. Or 
he would set twenty or thirty negro boys to box with each other, 
the lads who came off worst being severely beaten by their 
master. His chief amusement, however, was to superintend 
the slaves at work, his attendants consisting on such occasions 
of a black to bear his tobacco-pipe (which had a bowl as big as 
a child's head, and a reed-etem about two yards long), another 
to carry his tobacco, and a third a brazen vessel of hot water to 
wash his hands, and some laden with clubs to throw at his slaves 
upon the top of the houses or walls. When hungry, he imme- 
diately ordered a huge dish of cusscassoo, and then sitting down 
on the ground, ate as much as he cared for by thrusting his 
bare arm into the vessel and fishing up what he liked best. If 
tired, he simply squatted on the earth or on a heap of stones to 
rest himself. His caprices were endless, though not much worse 
than those of some of the later Sultans. One day he saw a 
Kaid's wife riding upon a mule ; instantly he ordered the poor 
woman's husband to shoot her for daring to bestride one of 
" those creatures of God which nourished and kept them alive." 
Asking another officer to whom a flock of sheep belonged, he 

NOTES. 351 

was told that they were the property of the person addressed. 
" Yours ! you dog," was the reply, " I thought I had been the 
only proprietor m the country ; " and taking his lance, this 
representative of " L'etat c'est moi," ran the presumptuous Kaid 
through the body, ordering at the same time the sheep to be 
given to his negro troops. A black slave, on telling him that he 
wished bread, having toiled for two days on an empty stomach, 
was assured that in future he should have no further occasion 
for anything to eat ; and to keep his word, ordered, as a piece of 
prime jocosity, the wretched negro's teeth to be pulled out. 
Like the sultans generally, Ismail was in the habit of distribu- 
ting the thinnings of his harem among his oflficials, a wife from 
the palace being still regarded as a high honour. These ladies 
are, however, apt to be what Mr. Mantilini described as " demni- 
tion savage lambs." One of these even went so far as to pull 
her husband's beard ; but on the henpecked Kaid complaining, 
the Emperor assured him that such a humiliation should never 
occur again, for his beard should be pulled out ; which it was — 
on the spot. 

Muley Ahmed Ed-dehebi ("the rich man") was a drunken 
brute, as cruel as his father, but without that energy which 
gave Morocco such order during his brilliant reign that a child, 
it was boasted, could carry a purse from Fez to Tarudant. 
One of his first acts was to order Belcaddy (Benkheddai), 
who is more than once mentioned by Pellow, to be tossed 
ten times, and be put in prison until he paid ten quintals of 
silver ; while Bengozzy, one of his own companions, was put 
to death. Having gone to prayers at the palace mosque 
very drunk, he fell down and polluted the sacred building 
with his vomiting. The negro soldiers whose allegiance he 
had bought with some of the five millions of pounds which 
he found in his father's treasury, proclaimed his brother 
Abd el Malik emperor, with the results described by Pellow. 
The downfall of this temporary sovereign was mainly due to 
his austere arrogant manner ; for though sober he was not 
much more amiable than his brother. But the real reason 
for Muley Ahmed IV. — Deby, or properly El-dehebi, to give 
him his usual name — being recalled from exile in Taffilet (or 
Taflilalet), was the anger of the negro troops on hearing that 
the new sovereign had declared his intention of checking their 

352 NOTES. 

power for evil and for good. Muley Abdallab (ben Ismail) V. 
was as capricious and as cruel as his father. But, unlike him, 
was generous to excess, which fact may account for his having 
been deposed six times, and reinstated as often. Yet in spite of 
his many rivals, and reverses of fortune, and Thomas Fellow's 
belief that in the year he escaped the end was drawing near,* 
this villainous ruler, who had every vice except avarice, managed 
to reign, after a fashion, from 1729 to 1757. (See also Note 25.) 

(23) Pelloiv's journey to " Guinea," p. 196. — In these days 
the Emperors of Morocco had regular intercourse with Tim- 
buktoo, in which for a time they had a garrison, or received 
tribute in lieu of the right of keeping that expressive symbol of 
authority there, and, as at the present day, caravans went 
regularly to the Soudan in search of slaves, gums, and other 
commodities. It was with one of these that Fellow affects to 
have gone, and though, owing mainly to the lack of maps 
portraying the route, it is not easy to identify all of his names, 
yet many of them, not known to geographers until a later 
period, are not hard to make out. The term "Guinea" was 
at that period applied to all the coast north of the Cape of 
Good Hope and south of Morocco, so that the use of the 
word must not deceive. He makes, however, no pretence 
(as he could easily have done had he wished to tell a tale 
of wonder) of having reached Timbuktoo, as Faul Imbert, a 
French slave, did, or as Kobert Adams, a sailor wrecked north 
of Cape Blanco, more than a century and a half later, claimed to 
have done, or to have made the Mecca pilgrimage as Joseph Fitts 
of Exeter, while in Algerian slavery, actually did in the closing 
years of the seventeenth century. Fellow was an uneducated 
man, with little idea of the geography of the regions over which 
he first of white men, and in some instances the only one since 
his time, wandered or has wandered. Had he been trying to 
fabricate a narrative, he would not have declared that he had 
reached the "Wad Nil, or river Nile," for even in those days 
this would have at once stamped him as a liar, the Nile rising 
in an entirely opposite direction. But it is now a familiar fact 

* Pellow, however, was not far out in his reckoning ; for one of his 
depositions occurred that very year. 

NOTES. 353 

that the Niger is known to the Arabs as the Wad Nil el 
Abid, or Nile of the Slaves (Blacks), the word Nile being in that 
region a common name for any lai-ge stream. In reality, from 
the fact of the caravan having seen a French vessel in the 
river, Pellow and his slave-hunting comrades seem to have 
reached the Senegal, the mistaking of it for the Niger being 
natural enough, as the real course of the latter was not known 
until many years subsequently. Agloou, " the fishing coves " 
mentioned, is a poor anchorage ; but the villages in the 
surrounding country are prosperous and well peopled. 

(24) 2he Desert between Morocco and " Guinea" p. 199. — This 
dreadful waste of sandy billows is described in its latest details 
by Dr. Oskar Lenz, who succeeded in passing it in the year 
1880 on his journey to Timbuktoo, though only a small portion 
of his route lay near Fellow's. The privations endured by the 
caravans are terrible. The Arabs who carry on the trade 
between that city and Mogador declare that five hundred 
dollars have been given for a draught of water, and that when 
the water-skins have been partially dried up in the manner 
described by our author, it is by no means uncommon for the 
precious fluid to be held at the rate of fourteen to twenty 
dollars a drink. In 1805 — so Jackson, who carried on business 
at Agadir, relates — a caravan proceeding fi-om Timbuktoo to 
Taffilet was disappointed in not finding water at one of the 
usual wells, when, horrible to relate, the whole of the persons 
belonging to it, two thousand in number, besides eighteen 
hundred camels, perished by thirst. Misfortunes of this sort 
account for the vast number of human and other bones which 
are found mingled together in various parts of the desert. 

The traders at that period — 1794-1808 — told the same tale 
as Pellow does of the " Akkabaahs," or caravans, being 
directed by the guides smelling the earth. Jackson, however, 
with characteristic self-sufficiency, not always warranted by the 
accuracy of his "facts,"' was of opinion that this was "an 
artful invention of their own, to impose upon the credulity of 
this superstitious and ignorant people, and thus to enhance 
the value of their knowledge." The desert pilots "possess 
some knowledge of astrology and the situation of certain stars, 
and being enabled by the two pointers to ascertain the polar 


354 NOTES. 

star, they can by that unvarying guide steer their course with 
considerable precision, preferring often travelhng in the night 
rather than under the suffocating heat of the effulgent meridian 
Bun." The references to mummies (p. 202) in connection with 
surgeons indicate the use of them as medicine— a purpose to 
which they were put in regular practice during the seventeenth 
century, and among empirics to a much later date. 

(25) Muley AldaUah's cruelties, p. 226. — Scarcely a week 
passed, a French writer * tells us, without Abdallah putting to 
death great numbers of his subjects in the most horrid manner, 
some by nailing them to walls, others by being tied by the feet 
to a mule's tail, and thus dragged through the streets ; others 
were kept incessantly employed at the most laborious work, 
solely to make them as miserable as possible. He even obliged 
the Christians and the Chaanbat (the latter being tribesmen 
of the Atlas, of whom Crom-el-Hajj was chief, and who ever 
since had been cruelly used by the Sultans) to pull down the 
town of Erriadh, which obstructed the view from his seraglio. 
This place contained the residences of various functionaries of 
Mequinez, during the time of Muley Ismail, who had built a 
fine mosque in the centre, beside bazaars, baths, and a college. 
While demolishing this town, one of his greatest pleasures was 
to order his guards to drive great numbers of the labourers 
under walls which had been undermined and were just ready to 
fall, that he might see them buried alive in the ruins. In short, 
there was no sort of brutality in which Muley Abdallah did not 
seem to take a pleasure. Neither virtue, merit, nor the strictest 
ties of blood, put any restraint on his cruelty. Even his own 
mother was in perpetual danger of losing her life by his hands. 
One day in particular he went with a pistol to her apartment, 
with a design to kiU her. "But she being advised of it, went 
out to meet him, and embracing him, spoke to him with so 
much tenderness, the tears at the same time falling down her 

* "Kelation de ce qui s'est passe dans le royaume de Maroc depuis 
r annee 1727 jusqu' an 1737." This curious contemporary narrative which 
appeared in 1742 is anonymous, but the author -was probably a M. de 

t In this I follow the authority of Aboulqasem ben Ahmed EzziSni, 
whose history of the events in Morocco between the years 1631-1812, have 
been recently given to the world by M. Houdas. 

NOTES. 355 

cheeks, that she softened his barbarous heart, so that he seemed 
seized with horror at the action he was going to commit, and 
denied it in the strongest manner ; however, his mother thought 
it prudent to absent herself from his presence and court for a 
considerable time. 

Nothing could exceed his ingratitude and cruelty to the 
Bashaw Hogmy, governor of Mequinez, who had been a chief 
instrument in setting him on the throne, and to whom he had 
sworn in his first transports, on his being proclaimed king, that 
he would never make use of a lance or fusil against him ; 
however, taking umbrage at the great reputation of this 
Bashaw, and the esteem he was in with his people, on account 
of his great merit and virtue, he ordered him one day to come 
before him, and after having reproached him with accusations 
which had no foundation, he ordered him to sit down and pull 
oflF his turban. Then immediately a great number of boys, 
who had been provided for the purpose, came about him, and 
with pieces of lead they had in their hands struck upon his 
head till they had beaten it in pieces ; and immediately after 
this, both his secretary and brother were served in the same 

He showed no less cruelty to eight young Alcaydes, to whose 
marriage he had just given his consent. It is the custom of 
those parts that the new-married couples (during the space of 
seven days) take upon them amongst their kinsfolks and friends 
the title of king and queen, and during this time they have a 
power of putting a forfeiture on those who were present at 
their wedding, and of throwing into the water, with all their 
clothes on, those who refuse to pay it. But these rejoicings are 
only made when the bride is found a maid ; for when it proves 
otherways, the husband sends her back to her father's house, 
and the father has a right to strangle her. These eight young 
Alcaydes, according to custom, assumed this power during the 
seven days, thinking no harm ; but scarce were these days of 
rejoicing over, but the tyrant sent for them, and having re- 
proached them for the liberty they had taken, as a heinous 
crime, he ordered them to be tied by the feet to a mule's tail, 
and in that manner drawn through all the streets of Mequinez 
till they were dead. 

A young Spanish slave, for whom he seemed to have a great 

356 NOTES. 

value, hearing that he was about to give Hberty to eleven 
Spanish slaves, fell down on his knees, and entreated him in the 
tenderest and most respectful manner that he would be pleased 
to let his father, who was likewise a slave, and far advanced in 
years, be one of the number of those who were to be released ; 
to which Abdallah made no reply. The next day the slave, with 
tears in his eyes, and in the most moving manner, renewed his 
request ; but Abdallah looking upon this so natural and praise- 
worthy affection as a crime, ordered the slave to be immediately 
tossed up in the air and let fall upon his head till he expired. 
And as if this was not cruel enough, and as if he had been 
willing to punish the father for the tenderness of his son, he 
set the poor old man to such hard labour that he died a few 
days after." 

His mother one day representing to him that it was contrary 
to humanity to put the innocent to death and beneath his 
dignity to be the executioner of them himself, he replied " that 
his subjects had no longer a right to life than he pleased, and 
that he knew no greater pleasure than that of putting them to 
death with his own hands." 

The man seemed really to have been more mad than sane, 
and was well aware of this himself. One day he made a 
favourite servant the present of two thousand ducats, and told 
him to go far from his presence, so that he might not be 
exposed to the effects of his fury. The attachment of the slave 
to his inhuman master was, however, so great, that he refused, 
and in due time fell a victim to one of the Emperor's violent 
fits of fury, being reproached, when dying, with his folly in not 
having left the court when advised. 

On another occasion, when passing the river Beth (Bate) at 
the place where it falls into the Sebou, he was in danger of 
being drowned, when one of his negroes at great peril to his 
own life rescued the floundering Prince of True Believers. 
The slave's only reward was to be hewn down with his master's 
sabre for presuming to congratulate himself on his good fortune 
in being able to rescue so sacred a person. " You are an 
infidel ! " he cried, " to suppose that you have saved )ne. As 
if Allah stood in need of your intervention to preserve a Shereef 
and the son of a Shereef" — that is a descendant of Mohammed. 
He was said to possess judgment and courage, and a laudable 

NOTES. 357 

freedom from the awe with which most of his countrymen regard 
the rascally " saints " of Morocco. But his vices, most of them 
of the most hideous type, have earned for Abdallah an evil 
eminence in the e\il dynasty of the Alides, only second to that 
of Muley-el-Jezid — or Yezeed, as the name is pronounced in 
Morocco. In this volume philological purism is not attempted 
in the transliteration of Arabic names, the rule adopted being 
to accept the form most generally used, and therefore most in- 
telligible, without much regard to its minute accuracy. 

(26) The " Mahomet Wooldernva " (p. 227) of Fellow's 
narrative is his illiterate way of writing Mohammed Oold el 
Ariba, that is the son of the Ariba, the former name of his mother. 

(27) " Muley Smine" -p-p. 53, 227. — This is a name which 
Muley Ismail bore. It ought properly to be written Muley Es- 
Semin, or Smahyn (the stout) ; but the rude orthography of 
Fellow tells in favour of his honesty. 

(28) The Fratricidal Wars of Muley IsmdiVs So)is, p. 228. — 
Fellow's narrative, though it contains many minute particulars 
regarding the war between Muley Abdallah and his brothers, is 
simply such a story as might be picked up from the camp 
rumours of an army on the march through a country where 
truth is an exotic virtue, and wild exaggeration the normal 
condition of affairs. Yet it is in the main con*ect. Muley Ali, 
who was elected by the black Janissaries Emperor on the 29th 
September, 1734, was another of Muley Ismail's sons. But he 
was deposed in May, 1786, in favour of Abdallah restored. The 
new sovereign, besides being poor (which was no recommendation 
in the eyes of the negro troops), had so addicted himself to the 
use of " Achecha " (Hashesh), Bang, or Indian hemp — the Keef 
of the Moors — as to render him numb alike in body and mind. 

(29) Muley Mataddy, p. 234. — This is apparently Muley Mus- 
tadi (El Mostadhi) another brother of Muley Abdallah, and a 
rival with him for the throne, who in 1788, after Fellow had 
left the country, was proclaimed Emperor by the negroes, and 
obliged Abdallah to retire once more among the mountains. 

358 NOTES. 

The negroes soon proving fickle, he was deposed (1740), and 
retii'ed to Azila,* where he carried on a considerable trade in 
grain with the Spaniards, though without renouncing his imperial 
honours. Abdallah, with the design of cutting off his brother, 
laid siege to Tangier, the governor of which was an adherent of 
his. The city was duly taken, and the Bashaw's palace plun- 
dered after his death in battle : but his son Mohammed ben 
Ahmed escaped to Gibraltar with all his father's money. Mean- 
time, Mustadi pillaged the environs of Fez, and on his return was 
attacked near Al K'ear by Abdallah, and forced to retreat into 
Sallee, where he had been so popular as governor that he was 
received and acknowledged as Emperor. But Eabat on the 
other side of the river refused to bend the knee to him. The 
result was a ruinous ci"\dl war between these two towns, which, 
under Muley Ismail, had become a kind of republic feudatory to 
the empire. For fourteen months Eabat was besieged, until 
Mustadi, despairing of taking the place, retired to Tedla, where 
he was arrested and put in irons by the Berbers in the interest 
of Abdallah. Another faction holding the castle of Oordega, 
however, released him, and transferred him to the sanctuary of 
Sidi El Mati, a hereditary saint who escorted Mustadi to Sallee, 
where he was again received with gladness, as the town was 
thoroughly opposed to Abdallah. Finding that it was vain to 
hold his own against Abdallah, he resumed his corn trade at 
Azila, and there continued to reside in a private station until 
the accession of Sidi Mohammed, when he was ordered to take 
up his residence in Fez, where he died. 

(30) Quack Doctors, p. 259. — Spanish charlatans, many of 
them natives of Tangier and other coast towns, and therefore 
familiar with the language, still perambulate Morocco. The 
greater number of them are vile rascals, who have more trades 
than one, and sell poisons freely. There are, however, exceptions, 
among whom the Editor recalls a mild-mannered gentleman, who, 
after flirting with fortune as a ship-captain, a photographer, 
and a teacher of music, was wandering from Kasbah to Kasbah 
drawing teeth and tuning pianos, of which he informed me with 
some pride there were already thirteen in Morocco. Ophthalmia 

* To Tangier, according to Aboulqasem ben Ahmed Ezziani, whose dates 
I have adopted. 

NOTES. 359 

and other diseases of the eye are still, as in Fellow's day, the 
common maladies of the country, more especially in the South, 
and it is not without interest to remark that one of the common 
native remedies is counter-irritation produced by blowing pepper 
into the eyes after the fashion which the highwayman (p. 247) 
found so ineffectual. Now as then, purgative medicines are in 
active demand, the well-to-do Moors gorging themselves to re- 
pletion at every meal, even when, as a late Grand Vizier did, 
they do not employ emetics in order to begin a feast de novo ; 
while the poorer ones risk dyspepsia whenever the world smiles 
brightly enough to render a gorge of cusscassoo and fat mutton 
an approachable luxury. The reason why these wandering 
quacks are more popular than the native doctors, is not that they 
are as a rule more skilful, but simply because it is believed that 
all Christians are, by the gift of God, adroit healers of sick folk. 
Christ (" Sidna Aissa ") — so runs the Moslem legend — was a great 
physician, and his power has descended to all his followers. 
" Son of Jesus,"' the traveller is not unfrequently told," thou can 
relieve me." But if he succeeds, not he but Allah is thanked, 
for without the inspiration and permission of God man is 
powerless to accomplish anything, and therefore deserves no 
credit for his acts. At the same time, a rabbit or a few partridges 
may be offered as a gift, and not unlikely the doctor as he sits in 
his tent door may be told — as the writer was by a poor woman 
whose child he had reheved — " What a pity it is that so good a 
man can never enter Paradise ! " This at all events, though 
somewhat negative in its good wishes, is more soothing than the 
not uncommon malediction of an elderly beauty whom the 
infidel may happen to encounter in a narrow lane (when there 
are men folk about) — " May Gehenna be your portion I The 
fire is lighted for you ! " The " conjurors " with whom Pellow 
had such evil luck were doubtless miracle-working " saints," or 
marabouts as they are called in Algeria. The snake-charmers 
and *• Aissouia " — a wild religious sect who handle serpents with 
seeming impunity, and indulge in a host of hideous ceremonies — 
are a different class. They go annually to Soos and other 
quarters to collect reptiles and scorpions. The fire-eaters and 
the ordinary "Jack-Puddings" who may be seen in every market^ 
are a more ordinary set of performers, while the story-tellera 
with their circle of admiring listeners form one of the most 

360 NOTES. 

interesting features in any gathering in Morocco. The itinerant 
doctors (or at'oubba, sing, t'bib) carry a leather bag containing, 
besides a few medicines, their surgical instruments, which 
usually consist of a lancet, a knife for scarifying, and a burning 
iron, which is used for almost every ill that Moorish flesh is 
heir to. That so few of their patients die may be attributed 
to their simple life and hardy constitutions. 

(31) The Geo(/ra2)hy of Fellow's flujht, -p^. 261-290.— Some of the 
minor places mentioned in this narrative cannot now be identi- 
fied (and indeed the writer expressly mentions that they were 
destroyed doing the civil and other wars), though this is chiefly 
owing to the country in which they were situated being still 
wholly or partially unknown to geographers. Many of these are, 
however, familiar, though, at the time Pellow wrote, not on any 
map, or on those to which it is extremely unlikely either he or 
his editor had access, and then under names so differently spelt 
from his, that this fact tells in favour of the authenticity of bis 
narrative. As the interest of this work is mainly in the adven- 
tures it describes, I have not thought it necessary to try and 
localize all of them. But as a test of the writer's bona fides, this 
may be done here and there, in addition to the names already 
identified in foot notes. 

The " Waddonfeese " (p. 262) is, for instance, the Wad-Enfisa 
(or '>«fi8), a tributary ot the Tensift. " Eosselelwad " is still the 
name of a village and district — or " parish" as Pellow puts it — 
the Kas-el-Wad in Sus (p. 265), while Tarudant (Terrident) is a 
well-known town. At one time there was a considerable trade 
with this place, but it is now so fanatical that no Europeans visit 
it, and since the decay of Agadir it has fallen into ruins, and is 
without much commerce or industry, though surrounded with 
olive, orange, and date gardens. From information obtained 
through the European o£&cers of the Sultan's army, it appears that 
the place is about 690 feet above the sea, and contains between 
six and seven thousand inhabitants, mcluding a considerable 
number of Jews and Berbers, the latter of whom, armed to the 
teeth, swagger along its narrow filthy lanes, eyeing the stranger 
with a ferocious glare, and wreaking vengeance on any enemy 
whom they may encounter, almost with impunity from the badly 
organized police of this whilom residence of the Shereefs, and the 

NOTES. 861 

centre from which they carried on a rehgious propaganda among 
the neighbouring tribes. " Arhallah " I take to be a corrup- 
tion of Aouara or Haouara; and Gesseemali is most Hkely 
Exima, a tribal (Ouled) village and "parish" in the position 
assigned to it. Santa Cruz or Agadir (this name, which means 
in the Berber language a protecting wall, being applied to several 
other places) is a picturesque fortress perched on a spur of the 
Atlas, about 990 feet above the sea. Up to the year 1760, when 
Sidi Mohammed ben Abdallah fovmded Mogador (Xote 37), 
owing to the difficulty he found in exacting his dues at the Sous 
port, as well as to pimish the rebellious Sousees, Agadir was in 
the enjo}Tnent of considerable intercourse with Europe. But it 
is now fallen entirely into decay, the fishing village of Fonti 
at the base of the fortress beuig a miserable place, and the 
inhabitants so bigoted that when, during the expedition of 1882 
against Sidi Hussein of Tazelronalt, the Sousan religious chief, 
the Sultan authorized grain ships to discharge here, the people 
refused to sell sheep to the crews until the authorities compelled 
them to " feed the infidel " in spite of the Korannic injunction to 
the contrary. In 1773, Sidi Mohammed ordered all the foreign 
merchants to leave, and since that date, with the exception of 
a brief interval (1792-1797), it has been closed to sea-borne 
commerce. " Terroost," or Tourazt, is not an uncommon Berber 
name, though I do not identify the particular village so named. 
*' Hahah " is a well-known province. Between Agadir and the 
north a spur of the Atlas must be crossed, either by the Ham- 
serout or the Bebaouan passes. 

The method of preparing the locust (jeraad) for food (p. 276) 
is that still practised. They are considered by the Moors very 
stimulating food. 

" Zummeeta " (Zesomeeta, or Zummeeta, as it is called in 
Tripoli) is made of barley which has been a little malted, 
•coarsely ground, and sometimes mixed with dates, and is eaten 
in the form of dough with salt, argan or olive oil, and with water 
also. Barley meal and water or milk is the ordinary morning diet 
of the country people, who know it as *' El hassiia." The 
barley is ground to the size of fine shot, and simmered over a 
slow fire. This food is regarded as so particularly wholesome 
and cooling, especially during fever time, that the Sultan him- 
self i as did Muley Suliman and his father, Muley El Jezidj always 

362 NOTES. 

lays a foundation of it before drinking the fine hyson which he 
loves. Its health-giving qualities are celebrated in a little tale 
told by the southern tribesmen. A wandering doctor arrived 
in a strange country, and after saying the morning prayer, 
inquired after the way the people lived, and with what food they 
broke their fast. On being told that it was El hassua, he rose, 
saddled his mule, and bade them good-bye. " Salaam u alikoum ! 
Peace be with you. For if you eat El hassua in the morning, 
you have no need of a doctor ! " This meal is prefaced by a 
brief grace consisting of " Bismallah '' ("In the name of God"). 
But every act of the Moor is flavoured with piety. Even the 
street hawker is careful to preface the calling of his wares by 
some preparatory objurgations to attract the faithful. " God is 
gracious ! Beans, fried beans ! " " In the name of Muley 
Idriss ! Roast Chestnuts ! " "In the name of Sidna Mohammed 
Al Hadjj ! Pop corn ! " ; and I can recall among the most 
agreeable of street cries, after a hot ride over the dusty plain 
where Dom Sebastian met his doom, hearing in the filthy Soko 
of Al K'sar El Kebir, the welcome shout, "In the name of Sidna 
Ali-bou-Ehaleh ! Melons, nice sweet melons!" The familiar 
tale of the Stambouli who invoked custom for his figs " in the 
name of the Prophet ! " which has amused Europe for a century, 
scarcely tickles a resident of Morocco. For this or something 
similar is what he hears every day of his life (p. 276). 
" Idogurt " is, we have already noted, Ida-ou-gort, not far from 
Mogador ; and Shiedmah and Abdah are still the designations 
of provinces. 

The Argan tree is the source of the argan oil, so extensively 
used in tbe cookery of Southern Morocco, though there is an 
unfounded belief in some parts of the country that it engenders 
leprosy (p. 279). " Saphee" is the modern Saffi (p. 278) or 
Asfi, a town which, after having been in the hands of the Portu- 
guese for more than a century, was voluntarily deserted by them 
in 1641. It contains a number of sanctuaries (Zaouias), the 
burial-places of holy men, where criminals finds a safe refuge. 
The " Rabat " or quarter on the cliff south of the main town 
is a veritable City of Refuge, so that, as in Pellow's day, it is 
*' the great rendezvous " of undesirable characters. 

"Willadea " (p. 282), or El Waladia, is a towai 35 miles south 
of Mazagan, of which we seldom hear nowadays, though in former 

NOTES. 868 

times it was a place of some trade. It is situated on an exten- 
sive plain, and were not the entrance to its harbour obstructed 
by rocks, the cove might be capable of containing a large fleet 
of vessels. The town itself is small, and encompassed by a 
square wall, but it contains few inhabitants, there being almost 
nothing for them to do, as no Europeans live there, and no 
caravans arrive as ships never come. During the usurpation 
of Crom-el-Hajj (1648-1652) this place, called in a contemporary 
document " Houladilla," was occupied, and employed as a base 
for the siege of Saffi. " Marcegongue " (pp. 229, 282, etc.) is a 
curious corruption of Mazagan, now the principal outlet for the 
maize of the rich plains behind it. This town was held until 
1769 by the Portuguese, who, on abandoning it, founded Villa 
Nuova de Mazagan in Brazil. The " Kiver Tammorot '' (p. 285) 
is clearly the Wad Tammerekt which appeared on no map for 
nearly 65 years after Pellow mentioned it (I believe) for the first 
time ; and not to attempt the identification of every village, the 
•'mountain Idoworseem" (p. 286) is probably the Djebel Ataneen, 
and " Gorrasurnee " (p. 275) the Idiaugomoron, while " Jibbil 
Neddeed " (p. 290) is, of course, Djebel Hadid, the Iron Mountain, 
north of Mogadon The "high mount called Itatteb" (p. 238) 
is evidently Itata, S.S.E. of Mequinez. The "Monsieur Pedro 
Police" who entertained Pellow (p. 280) was most likely Pierre 
Pillet, a renegade who, as mentioned in our introduction, was, 
under the name of Abd-el-Adi, for a short time governor of 
Sallee. Espousing the cause of Abd-el«Malik, he was beheaded, 
and his corpse suspended by the heels from one of the gates of 
the town which he had ruled, though the date of this tragedy not 
quite agreeing with Pellow's narrative, leaves us open to doubt 
whether the identification suggested is correct. 

(82) Mecca Pih/rims, p. 283. — " Elhash " is a fairly phonetic 
form of El Hajj, or Hadjj, the courtesy title with which every 
Moslem is dignified after having made the Mecca Pilgrimage. 
However, in common with many of the old writers, Pellow 
blunders in making Mecca the burial-place of the Prophet, 
instead of Medina. It was, of course, his birthplace. All the 
princes of the Imperial house are styled " Muley " (Mauldi, 
Mulai, Maulay, Moule, Mole), " My lord," or master, a fact of 
which Defoe seems to have been ignorant when he names the 

364 NOTES. 

Moor in charge of Kobiiison Crusoe's master's boat " Muley, or 
Moley." "Sidi" nieans much the same thing, but is accounted 
even more respectful, and is universally applied to saints, and in 
the. abbreviated form of Sid (or Cid) to all of the faithful named 
after the Prophet — which means to about half of the Moroq[uin 

(33) Tea Drinking, p. 297. — Though there is a good deal of 
coffee drunk by the humbler Moors in their shabby coffee-houses, 
which are not, as in Turkey and Egypt, frequented by the better 
classes, the Moors of Morocco, as a people, differ from most 
other Moslems in preferring tea to coffee, and green tea to any 
other variety of the herb. They infuse it with large quantities 
of sugar, and flavour it, in lieu of cream, with mint, citron 
leaves, orange blossoms, ambergis, &c. The amount drunk 
at a sitting is never less than three cups or glasses, and 
as the sittings mean six times a day, and as often more as 
favoured visitors call, it may well be believed that more tea per 
head is consumed in Morocco than in any other part of the 
world. Yet up to the year lOGO, at earliest, the Moors were 
perfectly ignorant of what may now be termed the national 
beverage. For in a paper of that date written by Monsieur 
Charant, the French merchant " who lived twenty-five years in 
the kingdom of Sus and Morocco," it is expressly mentioned 
that though some of the less devout do not forbear by stealth 
to drink wine, nay brandy, "which both the Christian slaves and 
Jews sell," such drinks as coffee, thee, and chocolate they know 
not in those countrys what they are," though the writer adds 
that he heard they are much used in England. Coffee in an 
especial degree is there drunken in " great store " to prevent 
drowsiness. " And as for thee and chocolate (some think) they 
strengthen nature, revive and refresh the spirits, when weakened 
by overmuch study." 

(34) Enylish Gunpoicder, p. 300. — To this day, a pound of 
English gunpowder is one of the most acceptable gifts which 
can be made to a Moor, as it is not allowed to be imported for 
sale, and the native article is very poor. 

(35) The Woled (or Ooled) Ahoimehali Arabs, p. 288.— The 
curious account Pellow gives of the great band of marauders 

NOTES. 365 

he encountered refers, I am of opinion, to the inroad of those 
Arabs which about this period added to the intestine troubles 
of Morocco. They claim to be sprung from Shereefs (the 
" Xeriphs " of Pellow), and are very warlike. During the civil 
war following the death of Muley Ismail — not daring Sidi 
Mohammed's reign as Jackson declares — they left their sandy 
deserts in Sous, and, to the number of about 7,000 men, overran 
the southern parts of the empire, until, with little or no opposi- 
tion, they reached the provinces of Abda and Shiedma, where 
Pellow met them. Here they had a battle with the Woled-el- 
Haje and other tribes of the fertile country north of the river 
Tensift, but were so completely victorious that they almost 
exterminated their enemies, and holding their ground against all 
opposition, took possession of the depopulated territory. But 
their predatory disposition made the country so unsafe that 
Sidi Mohammed outlawed the whole clan, and ordered them to 
leave the country in which they had settled. This order was 
forced to be obeyed by the Sultan's army, who drove them south, 
the natives of the provinces through which they had to flee 
plundering and murdering so many that only about half of the 
tribe reached the Sahara in an impoverished condition. 

(36) AUalhen- Hiinnnedush (p. 278) or Elebenhaimdush (p. 290). — 
I cannot find any mention of this " castle " or Kasbah of Ali ben 
Hamedush, as it would be called in Morocco, on any map or 
document prior to Fellow's day, or since, unless the point named 
" Ben Hamuda" on Graberg di Hemso's" chart is the same place. 
Nor indeed is it mentioned by any traveller since that day, with 
one exception, and this exception is a striking proof of the 
general accuracy and authenticity of the Penr}'n mariner. For 
Dr. Gerhard Rohlfs, who had no knowledge of this book, casu- 
ally notes that though he was unable to find the town called 
Rabat el Kus which so many geographers describe at the mouth 
of the Tensift, not far from its banks " are the romantic ruins of 
an old castle, called Kasbah Hammiduh, situated on some abrupt 
rocks in the midst of a forest. It was probably erected to guard 
the mouth of the river." This is clearly the same place de- 
scribed by Pellow, and perhaps it is also the "square castle built 
in the reign of Muley Ishmael to defend the passage of the 
river," which, in Chenier's day (1767) contained only a few 

366 NOTES. 

families, though that usually accurate writer does not mention 
the name it bore. I have not visited the place, but a correspon- 
dent of whom I made inquiries writes that the " Kasbah of Ham- 
doosh " is an extensive ruin, not unlike that of Old Tangier, but 
of greater extent and in better preservation. Granaries, battle- 
ments, and rooms can still be traced. It was evidently intended 
as a check upon the Portuguese fort at the mouth of the river, 
though this also has now almost vanished. But it is incorrect to 
suppose that it was built by Sidi Mohammed, as this sovereign 
(the founder of Mogador) lived after Fellow's day. 

(37) Markadore, p. 306. — This curiously spelt place appears to 
have been Mogador, the well-known southern port of Morocco. 
At that time the Portuguese monopolized most of the coast trade, 
and, as the " Portuguese fort " on the shore of Mogador Bay 
shows, had fortified places on other parts of the Atlantic shore 
than that which they actually held. For it is an error to believe 
that the fort in question dates no further back than the begin- 
ning of this century, or was built on behalf of the Sultan by 
Genoese engineers, as is sometimes stated. In reality, it was 
erected to keep intact the communications with Agadir, and to 
protect the coasters who called in here. Nor is it any more 
accurate to take for granted that because Sidi Mohammed ordered 
a town to be laid out on the spot by M. Cornut, a French en- 
gineer (a native of Avignon), who was for ten years in his service, 
there was no previously existing place, or that the Europeans 
first named it Mogador at that date, now more than 120 years 
ago, though S'oueira — " the image" or the picture — is the Moor- 
ish name. The Touraine Capuchin Fathers, writing in 1644, 
expressly mention that there was a fort on the island, and that 
in 1628 Abd-el-Malik II. had intended to employ the Christian 
slaves in the erection of fortifications around the Bay. But long 
before that period there was a native town there, without pin- 
ning our faith to the suggestion that this was the site of the 
Tamusiga of Ptolemy, or of a more modern place marked on 
various seventeenth-century maps as Sufega or Suriga. But it 
is very doubtful whether S'oueira is a corruption of that word, 
as some ingenious antiquaries have imagined. The name is in 
reality of modern origin, and in the Berber language Tasourt, 
their designation for the town, has the same meaning. On the 

NOTES. 367 

northern side of the Tensift river, amid sands and marshe?, 
there are the ruins of another small town which also bore the 
name of S'oueira : it was deserted long ago. 

" Mogador," though doubtless derived from the tomb or sanc- 
tuary of Sidi Mogdul or Mogdor in the vicinity of the town, is of 
very much older date, Hodius's chart of 1608 having " I. Dome- 
gador " marked on it, and this is copied from others of a more 
remote period, and in documents as early as 1660 "Mogator" is 
repeatedly referred to as a place of trade. The sanctuary of 
Sidi Mogdul — the guardian saint of the town — is of very ancient 
origin, so remote indeed that both the Jews and the Moors con- 
tend for the saint having been one of their people, and do him 
equal honour. In 1604 Captain John Smith made a voyage to 
" Sancta Cruse, Cape Goa (Ghir) and Magadore." But though 
the Sidi- Mogdul legends are connected with a ship coming from 
the sea, I am unable to discover any foundation for the notion 
that he was a wrecked Danish captain, far less, as Mr. Harris 
puts it so circumstantially, " a Scotchman McDougal," who in 
the Middle Ages lived among the natives, whose old village is 
still near the town, and taught them many useful arts. The 
Arabs, it is true, are fond of making saints out of rather 
flimsy material. Between " Morocco and the Atlas " Monsieur 
Charant, who lived in the country before the year 1660, notes 
that there is a place called '• Gomet " (probably Aghmat, the 
old capital of the Almoravides), where a monument exists 
which the Moors in his day pretended to have been St. 
Augustine's, " whom they call Sid Belabech," and every one who 
has visited the site of Carthage will remember the white native 
village of Sidi Bou-Saeed, a spot so holy that until lately no 
Christian was allowed to live in the place. Yet Sidi Bou-Saeed 
is affirmed by the Arabs to have been St. Louis, who on his 
death-bed became a convert to Al-Islam, and is interred there 
under that name. However, the historical difficulties regarding 
Sidi-Mogdul have never interfered with the esteem in which he 
is held. He is the patron saint of Mogador, and when I was 
there in 1886, the muleteers were hastily driving their animals 
into his sanctuary on a report getting abroad that the 
governor would be pressing them for the service of the French 
minister, who was then in the town on his way to the city of 
Morocco, on one of those useless " diplomatic missions " which 

368 NOTES. 

prove so expensive to the villagers, who have to defray the 
cost of the sumptuous journey of the " 'bashdor " and his friends 
though in the polite parlance of an official report these useless 
jaunts are described as being at the cost of the Sultan ! 

(38) Argaireens, or Argireens, pp. 130, 306. — " Argiers '' was 
one of the old names of Algiers, the word being evidently a 
corruption of the Spanish " Argel." The French " Alger," and 
its modification " Algier," are also in use by the older writers. 

(39) A " Tartan" and a " Snow," pp. 304, 308.— These were 
names applied at that date to particular builds of vessels. A 
" snow," for instance, as my friend Captain Warren, R.N., 
informs me, was " a brig which set her boom mainsail on a 
trysail mast, instead of, as in the present way, on the mast 
itself." A " tartan," Commander Robinson, E.N. — who also has 
obligingly favoured me with some notes on the subject — remarks, 
is a small coasting vessel peculiar to the Mediterranean. It has 
only one mast and a bowsprit ; the principal sail, which is ex- 
tremely large, is extended by a lateen-yard. This is a long spar 
used to extend the three-cornered lateen sail upon ; it is slung 
about one quarter from the lower end, which is brought down to 
the tack, while the upper end is raised in the air at an angle of 
about forty-five degrees. When the wind is aft a square sail is 
generally hoisted on the tartan, like a cross -jack. This craft — 
now seldom seen — does not appear to have differed considerably 
from the " felucca " so familiar in the Mediterranean. Its 
ancient name was " targia," which suggests the possible deriva- 
tion of the name. " Can it have come," Commander Robinson 
suggests, " from Tarhish or Tarragona ? I find also that an 
ancient term for a vessel of any kind which carried a cargo, as 
distinguished from a vessel built for fighting only, was ' tarita 

) V 

(40) Mamora or Mehedia, p. 313. — This is now a poor 
neglected though picturesque place, with a shoaled-up harbour at 
the mouth of the Sebou River, with no trade except the catching of 
the shebbel, or shad, the only good fresh-water fish of Morocco. 
From 1614, when Don Louis Fajardo captured it for the King 
of Spain, to 1681, when the weak, dispirited garrison surrendered 


it to Kaid Amor-Hadou on behalf of Muley Ismail, the town 
was a fief of His Catholic Majesty. But it was never of great 
importance, though it did more business then than it has ever 
done since. The object of Spain in seizing upon it was to root 
out the nest of pirates it had become, and it is said by con- 
temporary writers that there were at the time more Christians 
there following the business than Moors. This confirms Captain 
John Smith's assertion (p. 11), that the Morocco Moors v/ere 
taught the art of sea-robbery by English outlaws, and that they 
m their tm*n (reversing the usual legend) initiated their country- 
men exiled from Sixain in what was subsequently their principal 
trade. But no sooner did Mamora get free of the Infidels than 
it returned to its evil ways. For here on the 13th of June, 1685, 
Thomas Phelps and Edmund Baxter, escaping from "Machaues" 
(Mequinez), helped to burn " two of the greatest Pirat- Ships 
belonging to Barbary." 

(41) Passing the Straits of Gibraltar, p. 315. — The frolic 
described is evidently a survival from the days when the 
Carthaginian mariners sacrificed to the gods on passing what 
a pillar at Gibraltar even in Edrisi's day proclaimed to be the 
limits of navigation. The ceremonies have been long discontinued, 
though something of the kind is practised on novices who for the 
first time pass " the Line," and among the Arctic whalers on 
May Day, as I have fully described elsewhere.* 

(42) Gibraltar, p. 320. — General Sabine was the thirteenth 
governor of Gibraltar, viz., from 1730, when he succeeded 
General Clayton, to 1739, when General Columbine took his 
place. The excessive precautions taken to prevent any Moor 
from entering the fortress may seem absurd to those of us who 
remember the picturesque crowds of Barbary folk lounging in 
the Waterport Street, the little steamer from Tangier full of 
Moslem egg and fowl merchants, and the forty or fifty Moors, 
most of them native-born subjects of her Majesty, resident on 
the rock. But in 1738 treachery was abroad, and the fortress 
had only recently stood its thirteenth siege. To this day all 
comers are questioned, those of British nationality being alone 
permitted to tarry without certain inoffensive formahties, touch- 
ing guarantees for their good behaviour. The other gentlemen 

♦ " Countries of the World," vol. i. pp. 103-107. 

370 NOTES. 

mentioned by Pellow were officials at the time of his story, as 
an examination of the Colonial records proves. 

(43) The Moorish Ambassador, p. 327. — This envoy was El Hajj 
Abd' el Kadr Perez, Admiral of Sallee. He was succeeded by 
" Abroggly," who came back with Mr. Consul Bussel from England 
in 1727. At a later date several others arrived on various 
missions, among others Tahar Fenishe, in the reign of 
George III. It is therefore far from accurate to state, as is 
still mentioned in some *' works of reference," that the am- 
bassador from Sidi Mohammed ben Abd-er-Rhaman, who 
arrived in Jime, 1860, was the first "since the time of Charles 
II." One of the early English envoys to the Court of Morocco 
— Sir James Losely, Captain Nicholson, Lord Howard, or Cap- 
tain Kirk of " Kirk's Lambs, for statements differ — being 
obliged to appear barefooted before Muley Ismail,"* Mohammed 
Ben Hadou Ottar, the Moorish Envoy who was sent to Charles 
II., was compelled to submit to the indignity of being received 
at court without shoes, turban, or fez. 

Morocco is, however, even yet the one country with which we 
have diplomatic relations, where the Christian envoy has to 
submit to more or less degrading observances at the hands of 
the Moslem ruler. An ambassador is received by the Sultan in 
the courtyard of his palace, the "Prince of True Believers" 
sitting haughtily on horseback while the envoy of a great power 
stands humbly bareheaded at his side, presenting to him the 
members of his suite, and expressing the diplomatic common- 
places suited to the occasion. He has not even the protection of 
an umbrella from the burning sun, though the Sultan has 
borne over his head the great silken paraschute which is so 
much the emblem of his authority that when he entered Tetuan 
and Tangier in the summer of 1889, a notice was issued that no 
person in the crowd waiting to receive him was to put up their 
sunshades. Slaves also go on either side of him with silk 
handkerchiefs flicking the flies from his hands and face. Should 
the Embassy be afterwards favoured with a more private 
interview, it takes place in a kiosque in the garden, and even 

* As late as the reign of Sidi Mohammed ben Abdallah, there were diffi- 
culties over the foreign diplomatists not taking off their shoes or prostrating 
themselves in presence of the Sultan. 

NOTES. 371 

then this distinction is not always accorded, and chiefly in order 
that the presents which invariably accompany an embassy should 
be presented and explained to the Sultan. Such gifts, though 
possessing in the eyes of the giver no more meaning than those 
sent by one European sovereign to another, are sedulously repre- 
sented to the ignorant Moors as tribute sent by the Infidels to the 
Leader of the Faithful, and should be discontinued, more especially 
as the courtesy accorded to an envoy is apt to be in an exact 
ratio to the value of the gifts he bears. In any case the Powers 
ought at once to insist on being received in the person of their 
envoys on the same terms that the Sultan's ambassadors are 
when he sends, as he has of late years been fond of doing, 
representatives for the purpose of condoling with, or congratula- 
ting, his brethren in the West. These envoys are usually two 
or more in number, and as they are compelled to defray the 
expenses of their mission, the selection of a dignitary for this 
duty is as often considered a punishment as an honour. For if 
the Ambassador in Chief does not spend lavishly, he is certain to 
be represented by his colleagues and rivals as lowering the dignity 
of their Lord and Master by behaving niggardly before the In- 
fidels. The return presents usually consist of a horse to the am- 
bassador and a sword to each of his suite. The horse is not very 
often a Barb of the first quahty, but it is accompanied by a 
" permit," without which no horse, mule, camel, cow, goat, 
sheep, or donkey is allowed to go out of the country; so 
that the animal can be sent to a profitable market on the other 
side of Gibraltar Strait. Time was, when no Christian or Jew 
— not even a Consul — could enter holy cities like Saffi or Fez 
without dismounting from their animals, and even yet, the same 
imndious formality, plus taking off their slippers, is demanded 
from Jews when they enter the Moorish quarters in the interior 
towns, or pass a mosque. Last century and well into the 
present one, no Christian or Jew could enter the Moorish 
quarters of Fez without a permit from the Emperor; and to this 
hour, for either to try and pass the street in which is situated 
the mosque of Muley Idris would be to endanger the life of the 
rash intruder. As for attempting to visit the town of Muley 
Idris, and other sacred spots — no one as yet has openly ventured 
on that dangerous experiment. 
All the other Barbary States have long ago abandoned any 

372 NOTES. 

official efforts to differentiate between the Infidel and the followers 
of the Prophet, Tripoli, indeed, being the only one of them 
with the exception of Morocco which is not directly or indirectly 
under Frankish rule. Algeria is a colony of France, so that the 
days are over when the insolent pirate-chiefs treated Consuls 
with contumely, found fault with their presents, and insisted on 
more frequent changes in order that this form of tribute should 
come less sparingly. Tunis also, though a " Protectorate," is to 
all intents and purposes a dependency of France. But there are 
men still young who can remember when no person except the 
Bey could drive in a four-wheeled carriage, and not far from the 
Kasbah was a gate called Bab-es-silsilah — through which until 
sixty or seventy years ago it was death for a Christian to pass. 
But these were in the happy times when — 

" Nsarafe Senaara ! " To the hook with the Nazarene ! 

Lehoodfe Sefood ! " To the spit with the Jew 1 " 

was a maledictory couplet of something more than academic 
import. No Christian can enter any mosque in Morocco, or 
with one exception any in Tunisia. But the exception is 
sufficiently remarkable, for it happens to be that of Sidi Okba 
in the saered city of Kairwan, which, a few years ago, no 
unauthorized infidel could visit miless he was prepared to be 
stoned or even worse treated. Nowadays, you can trundle over 
the plain between it and Susa on iron rails, and the keeper of 
the Great Mosque holds out his hands for the five-franc piece as 
if he had been bred to the vergership of an English cathedral 

Morocco is still, in the interior at least, not very different from 
what it was a thousand years ago. But " Tunica ricca ed on- 
orata sede " has fallen from its high estate. For the Nazarene 
sits in the seat of the Bey, and a Juge d'instruction interprets 
the law. Newsboys and shoeblacks ply their trades in sight of 
Rubbatinos railway station, and over the blood- sodden soil, 
where less than a century ago Christian slaves toiled under the 
Turkish lash, Arab cabmen drive furiously. You can take the 
train to Carthage, and the diligence to Utica and Sicca Veneria. 
And all day long past cafes where cogging Greeks bargain over 
their absinthe is heard the hoarse cry of the tramway conduc- 
tor — " Place Bab Carthagene ! Four karrobas all the way I " 



Abdallah, Muley, Frontispiece, 22C, 
252, 340, 352, 354, et jmssim 

„ ,, his cruelties, 22G, 

354, 355, 356 
Abd-el-Malik II., 346 
Abd-cl-Malik (ben Ismail), 351 

,, Muley, his death, 183 

Abd-el-Muniin, Muley, 341 
Abd-ei--Foolan, a black governor, IGl 
Abd-er-Rahman Medune, 50 
Abd-es-Slam, an English renegade, 

Aboulqasen's history, 354 
Aboussebah Arabs, incursion of, 288, 

364, 365 
Abraniico. the Sultan's agent at Gib- 
raltar, 318, 320 
Acton, Chevalier, destroys or disperses 

Sidi Mohammed's fleet, 17 
Adams, Robert, 352 
Africa and Europe, contrast, 8 
Agadir (pi), 304, 360, 361, et passim 
Agloou, 353 
Agoory, 343, et piix^im. 
Ahmed Sceikh, Muley, 25 
" Aissa Sidna," 359 
Aissouias sect, 359 
Ait-Hassan, 189 
,, Zemour, 189 
„ Wadyl, 95 
Akkabaahs, or Caravans, 353 
Al K'sar el Kebir, 362 
" Allalben-Hammedush," 278, 365 

Ali, Muley, 357 
Amarisoo, Kasbah, 192 
Ambassadors to Morocco treated 

slightingly, 370, 371 
Ambassadors, Moorish, to England, 

368, 370 
Amsmiz, 87, 260 

Animals, wild, of Morocco, 87, 346 
Aouara, 361 
'Aoodya Lalla, 97 
Arabs, 120, 347 
Archid, Muley, 134 
" Arcby," Muley, 334 
Argan oil, 278, 279, 362 
Argaireens, 366, 368 
" Arhallah," 361 
Army, Moorish, 115, 343 
Ar'scid, Muley, 134 
" Aselami," renegade Jews, 31 
Ataneen Djebel, 363 
Attar, Ben Hadou, 74 
Azamoor, 43, 155 156 (pi) 
Azila, 9, 14, 29, 358 

Bab-Mancoor-el alj, 53 

„ es-silsah and Christians in Tnnis. 

Barbary States, decay of, 372 
Baxter, Edmund, 369 
Beaver, Mr., 319 
Bebaouan Pass, 221, 361 
Bebash, 85 
Belabech, 367 



Ben Hamuda, 365 

„ Hattar, 336, 337 
Beui-boogaffer, pirate village, 39 

,, Hassan tribe, 335 

„ M'tir tribe, 119 

„ Snous, 130 

„ Zibbah, 112 
Berbers, 847 

Beth Eiver, 84, et passim 
Betton, Thomas, 27, 28 
Bishop, a pirate of note iu Morocco, 

Black Imperial Guard, 141, 348 
Bled-Shereef, 347 
Blois, Madamoiselle de, 25 
Boisselin, a French renegade, 33 
Bokhari Guard, 141, 348 
Booty from Guerida, 101 
Building mania of Muley Ismail and 

his successors, 19 
Bou Azza, Muley, 184 

,, el Koseo, Kaid, 152 
Bou-ragrag Eiver, 335 
Bou-Saeed, Sidi, near Carthage, 3G7 
Boyd, Captain Henry, 339 
Brooks, Francis, 342 
Brooke, Sir Arthur, quoted, 40, 41, 

Bu (Bou) Sacran (jjI.), 52, 211 
Bushraough, a frisky slave, 121, 347 
Butler, Mr. , 40 


Captive, Scottish, romantic tale of, 

Captives driven into interior, j)?., 52 
,, English, in harems, 25 
,, escape of, 27, 29 
,, how treated, 18, et seq. 
,, ransom of, 27, 28 
toil of, 68, 69, 70 
Caravans, great loss of, iu desert, 353 
Carr, a renegade, 32 
Carthaginian Mariners, and Pillars of 

Hercules, 369 
"Caultsnab," 67 
Cautery, actual, iu Morocco, 340, 360 

Cellis, an English pirate, 11 

Ceuta intended by Muley el Yezeed as 

a pirate station, 15 
Chaban, a renegade, assassinates 

Muley Abd el Malik II., 346 
Charrant, Monsieur, 334, 341, 367, &c. 
,, on tea-drinking in England, 
Chaanaba tribe, 354 
Christ, a great doctor, 359 
" Christians " in Morocco, 9 
Clayton, General, 369 
Clinton, an English pirate, 11 
Columbine, General, 369 
Conti, Princess de, and Muley Ismail, 

25, 26 
Convicts escaped, renegades, 44 
Cornut, builder of Mogador, 32 
Costermongers, Moorish, 362 
Croni-el-Hajj, 346, 354, 363 
Cunningham, Kev. Mr., 319 
Cuscussoo, 22, 68, et passim 


Damker, a Dutch pirate of note in 
Morocco, 12 

Bar Debibeg, palace built by Chris- 
tians, 20 

Dar-el-Bastyoon, 53 

Dar-es-Solt'ana, 335 

Darmusultan, 335 

Dayat-er-Roumi, 195 

Defoe, ignorance of Moorish titles, 364 

Delaval, Admiral, 72 

Delgarnoe, Captain, 335 

Demnat, 241 

Denooa, 111 

Desert between Morocco and Guinea, 
199, 353 

Disguise, danger of, 43 

" Djellabia, Wooden," 339 

Doctors, Moorish quack, 259, 358, 359, 

Douls, Camille, the late, 40 

Douvia, Lalla, 26 

Draa Eiver, 206 

Dyspepsia iu Morocco, 359 




Ed-Dchebi, Muley Hamid, 346, 351 
Ed-doukkali, Salem, 204, 225 
Edinburgh, Lord Provost of's daughter 

and Barbary pirate, 24 
Edinburgh and Sallee Hovers, 24 
Ehiah Embelide, 89, ct jMt^siin 
El 'Arby Ben Abou-Oold Emjiotlcc, 

Eleben-bamedush, 290, 305 
El hassua, 3G1, 362 
,, Mati Sidi, a saint, 358 
,, Valid, Muley, 25 
Embassies in Morocco useless, and 

wastefulness of, 367, 368 
Enkees-wad, 195 

Erriadah quarter of Mciiuiucz, 354 
Europeans, indignities to, 37 
Es-Shereef, Muley, 25 
Executioner, an English, 103 
Exima, 361 


Fez, 161, 186, ft passim 
,, time when no Jew or Christian 
could enter Moorish quarter 
without Imperial permit, 37 
,, time when Jew or Christian for- 
bidden to enter on horseback, 

Fleet, Moorish, 215 

Flemming, an English pirate, 11 

Fnsira, 84 

Fonti, 361 . 

Fum-el-bungh, 112 

Fiim-el-Karoo, 94 

French Military Commission, 45, 344 


Gabdad, 84 

" Garnoe," 335 

German Surgeon in Moorish Army, 

Gerygra Kiver, 111 
" Geseemah," 361 
Gibraltar, 8, 9, 369 

„ Straits of, 8, 369 

" Gomet," St. Augustine's tomb 

believed to be there, 367 
" Gorrasurnce," Mount, 275, 363 
Graham, Colonel, 45, 46 
Gray, Andrew, Scottish pirate, 25 
Grub Street and the Sallee Hovers, 34 
Guerrou River, 334 
Guinea, vague meaning attached to, 

Gunpowder, English, 300, 364 
Guzlan, march to, 112, 342 


Hab'ib ben Baruk and Mr. Butler, 40 

Habid, Wad-el, 98 

Hadaha, 130 

Hadid Djebel, 363 

Hahah, Province, 361 

Hajj (or Hadj), title of, 363 

Hamdoosh, Kasbah, 366 

Hamid, Muley (Alimed IV.), 134, 346 

,, Losraee, 225 
Hamseduh Kasbah, 365 
Hanierostu Pass, 361 
Harbours of Morocco, shoaling up of, 

15, 16 
Harris, Mr., and Sidi Mogdul, 367 
Hartan, Kasbah, 218 
Haesan, Muley El, 345, 348, Ac. 
Haunsell, Jusef, a rebellious conjuror, 

Hay, Sir John Drummond, and Riff 

Pirates, 39 
Henna, use of, 76, 340 
Hharim, Muley, 134 
'• Highland Lad " transport, 42 
Hisciam, Muley, 26 
Hogmy, Bashaw, 355 
Horses, Moroccan, 83, 340 
Howard, Lord, 370 
Hudson, Sir JeCfrey, Charles I.'s dwarf, 

a slave, 23 
Hussein, Sidi, 361 


Ida on Gort District, 277 

Idiaugomoron, 363 

" Idoworseem," Mount, 281, 363 



Imbert, Paul, 352 

" Immintackcamost, " 221 

" Ingliz Bashaw," 45 

Inspector Privateer wrecked in Tangier 

Bay, 15, 35 
Invelg-Khamis, 193 
Irish Sultana, story of, 26 
Ismail, Muley, his children, 338 

,, ,, cruelties of, G3, 338, 


„ habits of, 134-148 

„ palace of, 59, 338 

,, ,, sons, wars of, 148, 193, 

348, 357 
,, ,, his wives, 338 

" Itatteb," Mount, 238, 363 
Itata, Mount, 363 
" Itehacam," 191 
" Itehuzzan," 189 
" Itemoor," 189 
" Itcwoossey," 212 


Jackals, 89, 340 

Jackson, Mr., his dogmatism, 353 

Janissaries, Black, 348 

Jbad-Kasbah, 84 

Jews, degradation of, 371 

,, malignity of, 28 

,, offices held by, 336 

,, town for, built by Christian 

slaves, 20 
Johnson, William, a renegade, 324 
Juan, Maestro, 26 

i K. 

Kairwan, changes in, 372 
Kareebs, Moorish boats, 39 
Keef, 3^7 
Kirk, Captam, 370 
Khoneta (or Yoneta), Lalla, 25, 299 

Larache, 9, 14, 29 
Lenz, Oskar, 353 
Lions in Morocco, 109, 342 
Locusts as food, 276, 361 
Lorshia, 52, 334 

Loscly, Sir James, 370 
Lundy Island, Sallee Rovers lying 
under, 16 


Macaulay, error of, 11 
Maclean, Kaid, 343 

Mamora, a kennel of European pirates, 
9, 13, 14, 15, 340, 368 
,, forest of, 335 
Marakesch, or Morocco City, pi., 97 
" Markadore," 306, 366 
" Marcegongue," 229, 282, &c. 
Matamoras, 21 
Maundevile, Sir John, and the 

" sarrazines, " 346 
Mazagan, 135, 363 
Meakin, Mr. Budgett, 38 
Meat, price of in 1738, 283 
Meat Bir Oo Bir, 195 
Mecca, mistakes about, 363 

„ Pilgrims, 283, 363 
Mediuna District, 193 
Mehedia (Mamora), 313, 368 
Memeran, a Jew, 337 
Mequinez, Pellow's journey to, 50-53. 
,, description of, 53, 185 (pi.) 

Mercenarian Fathers, 27 
Merchants, selfishness of, 28 
Mils, 193 

Mocquet, Jean, 341 
Mogador Island, 345 
Mogador, history of, 366, 367, 368 
Mogdul, Sidi, 367 

Mohammed Ben Araby, late Grand 
Vizier, of Jewish origin, 
„ Muley, 349 

„ Sidi, 26, 361, 366 

,, Sidi, audience of, ph, 135 

,, Wad Nuni, governor of 

Saffi, 306 
Morocco, appearance of coast, 8, 9 
,, changes in, of late years, 42 

city, 341, 342, ^j/., 97 
,, ,, golden globes of, 99, 

340, 341 
,, ethnography of, 347 



" Morocco Land " in Edinburgh, 23 
Morocco, only independent Barbary 
State, 372 

,, stability of, 46 

,, still much as it was, 46, 

Moorish buildings erected by captives, 

„ tovms, 9 
Moors, 120, 347 
Mosque, Kutubia, 341 
'Mshrah Dallia, 195 
'Mshael, a Black Bashaw, 183 
'Msida, 88 
Mtooga, 95 

Muley, title of, 363, 364 
Mulootjibbilly, 224 
Multorria, 191 
Mustadi Muley, 234, 357 

Navy, Moorish, 32, 43 
"Nazrani," 44 
" Neddeed Jibbil," 290, 363 
Nicholson, Captain, 370 
Niger, 353 
Nil Wad, 352 
Norbury, Captain, 145 
Nun Wad, 195 


OflScials, robbery of, 342 
Omar, a Scotchman "Reis," or cap- 
tain of a Moorish zebek, 32 
Om-er-R'bia, 98 

" Oodali," Christian renegade, 31 
Oold-el-Ariba, Mohammed, 357 
Ooled Aboussebah Arabs, 288, 364, 365 
Oudah, Lalla, 97 
" Our Lady of Mercy," Fathers of, 27 

Peacock, Captain, 322, 324 
Fellow's book, 37 

„ „ proofs of its authen- 

ticity, 37,38 
,, journey to Mequinez, 50, 337 
,, ,, Morocco City, 196, 


Pellow, mention of him in Braith- 
waite's narrative, 35, 36 
,, in James's " Straights of Gib- 
raltar," 35 
Perez Abdel Kadr, 370 
Petrobelli, a Triestan employed by Sidi 

Mohammed, 32 
Piety of Moors, 362 
Pillet, Pierre, a renegade, 32 
Pilots Desert, 353 
Piracy, Moorish origin of, 10, 11 
,, decay of, 15, 33 
,, in Morocco, suppression of, 

„ nature of, 10 et seq. 
„ recent cases of, 39, 40, 41, 
Pirates, English, in Morocco, 12 

,, Riff, 39 
Pitts, Joseph, 352 
Pholps, Thomas, 342, 369 
Pietrasanta, a Tuscan employed by 

Sidi Mohammed, 33 
'» PoUee, Pedro," 280, 363 
Poison, fear of, in Morocco, 342, 344 
Portuguese in Morocco, 347 
Presents to Sultan regarded as tribute, 

Pretorians, Black, 348 
Princes of Morocco numerous and 

poor, 346 
Provinces of Morocco, uncertain limits 

and number of, 343 
Pursser, an Enghsh pirate, 11 
Pye, Captain, 320 

Rabat, 9, 50, 262 (pi), 304, 333, 334 
" Rabat " of Saffi, 362 
Ras-el-Wad, 360 
" Raval," 334 
Redemptorial Fathers, 27 
Religion the dividing line in Morocco, 

Renegades, 29, et seq., 44, 45, 46, 345 
,, descendants of, in Fez, 

Agooryand other towns, 




Renegades, their treachery against each 

other, 169 
Reis Hadjj ben Hassan Houet Shivi, 

a Moorish captain, 16 
Riff Pirates, 39 

Riffians drink wine and eat pork, 345 
Ripperda, Duke of, a renegade, 32 
Robinson, Commander, on the vessel 

called a " Tartan," 368 
Rohlfs, Gerhard, 365 
" Rosselelwad," 265, 360 
" Roumi," 44 
Russel's, Mr., Embassy, 153, 348 


Sabine, Governor, of Gibraltar, 320 

Saffi, 278, 362, et passim 

Safeegosoolz, 195 

Saffi, time when Jew or Christian for- 
bidden to enter on horseback, 371 

St. Louis believed to have become 
Moslem, 367 

Sallee-Rabat, 9, 30, 262 (pL), 333 

Sallee Rovers, 9, et seq. 

Salletines' ways of life, 13 

Sampson, Captain, 319 

Sanctuaries, 362 

Saulty, Count Joseph de, 45 

Savoy, Marquisate, bought by Ward, 
an Anglo-Moorish pirate, 12 

Scottish girl, romantic story of, 23 

Sebou River, 368 

Sebastian, Dom, 20, 362 

Seersceta, Lalla, 26 

" Segosule," 285 

Sejea Hambra, 195 

Senegal River, 353 

Shademah Province, 290 

Sharrot River, 84 

Shatel-Arbi, 64 

" Shot, Larby," 64 

Shaw, Mrs., a renegade, 25 

Shelley, Captain, 215, 217 

Shereef-es-Muley, 25, 117 

Sherf-el-gusooli, 95 

Sherrers, Palace of, 59, 338 

Shinget, 196 

Shoarumlah, 219 

Sidi Amara, 111 

Sidi Bou Azza, 
,, el Bamsoo, 119 
,, Hamid ben Moosa, 195 
,, Hussein, 361 
„ Ra'hal, 101, 111, 244 
„ el Fileli, 102 
„ title of, 364 
Slavery in Morocco, suppression of, 

Slaves, Christian, at work, pi., 211 
,, keeping shops, 345 
,, Moors caution in purchasing, 

,, narratives of, 33, 34 
Sma Hassan Tower, 9 
Smine, Muley, 53, 227, 357 
Smith, Captain John, 11, 367 
Snow, a vessel, 304, 308, 368 
S'ouera, or Soueira, Moorish native of 

Mogador, 26, 345, 366, 367 
Sous (Souze, or Sus) Province, 39, et 

Spanish War of 1859-60, 348 
Spartel, Cape, 42, 815 
Spha, Muley, 54 

Stewart, Commodore, 65, 72, 339 
Sufega or Surega, 866 
Suliman (S'Hman), Muley, 38, 361 
Sultans, Drunken, 345, 346 
Sultan, how treated, 73 
Surgery, Moorish, 70, 339, 359 


Tabia, 19, 20 

Taffilet and the Imperial Family, 120, 

346, 347 
Tahar Fenishe, 370 
Taib, or Tabia, 19, 20 
Taleb, an interpreter of the law, 260 
" Talgror," supposed Province of, 86, 

Tammerket Wad, 363 
" Tammorto " River, 285, 363 
Tamsaloaht, 252 
Tamusiga of Ptolemy, 366 
Tangier, 29 

„ Bashaw of, 319 
Tanisna, Kasbah, 81 



Tartan, a vessel, 304, 308, 368 

Tazourt, Berber name of Mogador, 

Tazelronalt, 361 

Tea-drinking, 297, 364 

Tedla, 235 

Telfil (" Teffilifille "), 335 

Temple, Sir Greville, quoted, 41 

Temsna, Province, 80, et passim 

Tensift River, 101, 290, 367 
Bridge, 20 

Terodant, 360 

Terrijet, 159 


Tetuan's, Bashaw of, son's love of 
wine and pudding, 345 

Tezza, or Tazza, 130 

Tlemcen, 147 

Tobacco forbidden, 345 

Toobin, Captain, 293, et seq. 

Tourazt, 361 

Trinitarian Fathers, 27 

Tunis changes since French Protecto- 
rate, 372 

Umseet el Eashib, 221 

Valid-el Muley, 25 


Wad-Enfisa, 360 

" Waddon Enkeese," 195 

" Waddonfeese," 262, 360 

Waladia, El, 362 

Ward, a pirate of note in Morocco, 12 

Warren, Captain, on vessel called a 

" Snow," 368 
Wazan, Grand Shereef of, 345 
" Willadea," 282, 292, 362 
Wilson, Captain, 292 
„ Sir Daniel, 25 
Windus, Mr,, pockets picked by Muley 

Abdallah's guards, 345 
Windus, Mr., his buttons cut off by 

domestics of Muley Abdallah, 346 
Wine-drinking, 119, 344, 345, 346 

,, sent as present to Muley Ed- 

dehebi, 346 
"Wishaddah," 130 
Wives, European, of Sultans, 25, 26 
" Woolderriva, Mohamet," 227, 357 
" Wolelsager," 52, 335 
Wounds, how treated, 344 

Yezeed (or Jezid), Muley, 26, 27, 346, 

Ymin Tanood, 95 
Yoneta (or Khoneta), Lalla, 25, 299 

Zaouias, or Sanctuaries, 362 
Zebek pirate, pL, 335 
Zeitoun, Wad-el, 130 
Zenboudj-el-Aousat, scene of Muley 

Ismail's defeat by Dey of Algiers, 

Zemmur tribe, 189, 335 
Zidan, Lalla, 349 

„ Muley, 14, 25, 29, 30 
Zooyet Benns, 112 
Zouyet et Handore, 112 
" Zumineeta," 276, 361 
Zummitb, a kind of food, 80 










'^(!/OJIlVJ JO"^ 




Uiyversi^ of Cali^mia Library 
Los Angeles 

This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. 

Phone Fienewals 

AUG0 2_2002 



FEB 1 2 2003 





ixiFfi iMrfi 1^)1 s 

'^ommy^ '^omm\^ ^nm^m^ 




1^1 i^i 

v>;lOSANCElfj> ^>M-[IBRARY6k 

<? I «iAi 


'j!;.'-A M;I 

Ul I 

r' v-. 

Zi\ ['s 

''/Aa^AiNii ]\v^^ ^''/.ujvyHni^^^ ^^A}jvaiiii;\^~^ 

. I i IJi 

iU^9. It 

^\\\[ I'.'JIMf^y/^. ^NlUU'JCflfx, 






'^OiiiAIN.l ]\Vv^ 


^xMllERARYO^ ^^^l•llBRARY(9/ 



•V)f CAllfO/?,l;> 

•,'NV ^l'l 

'^'/WiAlS 1 j\\^ 

vN\lilBKAi(Y/>r ^ _ ^^xMllBRARYr^^ 

-i '-^ 




^- ^' 

^^ ii! 1 


■■,\i! :> vfkv 

x\li)N \sCf If j^, A\l ilBR•^RV6/ _vs\li:BRAI'i 'jr